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The Women of a Ghanaian Village: A Study of Social Change*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 May 2014

Extract

An important feature of African village economies in the 1980s and 1990s has been the initiatives of local people in responding to the severe contraction in national economies and the structural changes introduced as part of the World Bank/IMF-inspired structural adjustment programs (SAPs) (Elabor-Idemudia 1993; Gladwin 1991; Taylor and MacKenzie 1992). This paper discusses the ongoing strategies of the women of a Ghanaian village to fluctuations in the domestic economy over the past decade, including responses to structural adjustment measures of the past few years emanating from the national center. Testimonies of women about contemporary economic changes and the impact on their households are presented to highlight women's culturally constructed ways of reflecting on their daily lives.

The ways in which changing economic situations have affected female roles in rural production and women's position in society have significant implications for national development. Moock (1986), Amadiume (1987), Beneria (1981) and Stamp (1989), among others, have pointed to the explanatory power of gender as a primary organizing principle of rural production and society. The significance of gender is twofold: first, as a means of categorizing labor and household headship; and secondly, as “fundamental to understanding structures and actions, including production relationships within and across households, the setting of goals and priorities, the mobilization of resources, risk-taking and the rights to benefits derived from increased agricultural productivity (Moock 1986, 7; see also Berry, 1985). In African rural economies, men and women have different cycles of rights and responsibilities. Through food production, women control their own cycles of rights and responsibilities. They are primarily responsible for and are concerned with the means by which the household is provisioned (Guyer 1984, 1986, 101; Henn 1983, 1984, 1; Bryson 1981). Most men earn their primary income from cash (export) cropping and the sale of their labor.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1994

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Footnotes

*

I would like to acknowledge the comments received from m y former colleagues in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Windsor, in the writing of this paper. Special thanks go to Michael O'Flaherty of the Departmen t of Anthropology, University of Toronto, and to the anonymous reviewers of the African Studies Review who provided very constructive comments for improving this essay. All quotes are from interviews conducted with Ayirebi informants. Interviews in 1989 and 1990 were conducted by the author, while those between mid-December 1991 and January 1992 were conducted by Ernest Dei, currently a doctoral candidate at the University of Toronto, Canada. Funding for various stages of my longitudinal study in Ghana has been provided by the University of Toronto (Connaught Award, 1982-83), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, (Post-doctoral fellowship, 1989-90, 1990-91), Research Board Grant, University of Windsor (1990) and the Dean of Social Sciences, University of Windsor, Research Associateship (1989-90, 1990-91).

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