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Education and the Social Adjustment of the Primitive Peoples of Africa to European Culture

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 August 2012

Extract

The problem of the social adjustment of primitive races to European culture is one which is being and has been faced by a considerable number of officials and settlers in the various tropical countries of the world. Many of those who may read these words will have a far wider experience than the writer. To these men of experience the writer appeals for criticisms and suggestions. The article is written in the spirit of one who is anxious to learn. It is an attempt to think out the part schools should or could play in the general problem of social adjustment. It suggests how, by preserving and developing African tradition and culture in the schools, Africa may be helped to make a happy and satisfactory adjustment to her changed social environment following increasing contacts with Europe and the world. It outlines an experiment to be tried at Iringa, Tanganyika Territory.

Résumé

ÉDUCATION ET ADAPTATION SOCIALE DES AFRICAINS NON CIVILISÉS À LA CULTURE EUROPÉENNE

On admet que les peuplades primitives se gâtent presque toujours après un contact prolongé avec les représentants de la race blanche, et qu'elles deviennent alors mécontentes ou paresseuses. En outre la population indigène diminue parfois avec une rapidité inquiétante et même disparaît. Au point de vue économique ce phénomène peut n'avoir qu'une importance relative lorsqu'il s'agit de non-civilisés habitant des contrées tempérées, il pose au contraire un problème sérieux dans les régions tropicales qui peuvent se développer seulement grâce à la coopération des indigènes.

La cause de ce phénomène paraît double, elle est d'abord imputable à l'obligation imposée aux indigènes d'adopter une civilisation européenne qui leur est antipathique, elle est due aussi à l'inaptitude de la civilisation indigène incapable de se plier aux conditions sociales nouvelles. Le remède à cette situation serait sans doute d'étudier avec attention le point de vue des indigènes et de les aider à une évolution rendue nécessaire par les transformations résultant de l'intervention européenne. Cette méthode semble celle adoptée par le gouvernement anglais et les ethnologues, mais on peut se demander si la pratique en matière d'éducation est bien conforme à la théorie. II existe en Afrique d'excellents spécimens d'écoles publiques ou commerciales, mais l'auteur n'en connaît aucune qui soit fondée, en définitive, sur la tradition indigène. Les établissements en question peuvent donner, et donnent en fait, une bonne éducation européenne, cependant le mécontentement et l'inquiétude qu'ils propagent semblent indiquer combien la sagesse de leur méthode est discutable.

Cependant quatre expériences tentées en Afrique durant les cinq dernières années prouvent la possibilité d'éviter les résultats fâcheux obtenus par les méthodes européennes traditionnelles, et d'utiliser avec profit les institutions issues de la civilisation locale:

(a) Expérience de Bukoba: De 1923 à 1925 l'auteur appliqua à Bukoba (Territoire du Tanganyika) les méthodes suivies dans les écoles publiques anglaises, mais les modifia en s'inspirant des institutions tribales existantes. Il pense que la faiblesse de cette tentative s'explique par le fait qu'elle reposait sur l'adaptation d'une conception européenne et n'était pas fondée sur une conception africaine.

(b) École indigène d'administration à Kizigo, Tabora: Cet établissement utilise en partie les procédés employés à l'école publique anglaise, mais il comporte un comité d'adviseurs, il encourage l'administration autonome et attache une grande importance à l'instruction des élèves qui pourront être apprêtés à appliquer la loi indigène dans le territoire.

(c) Développement de l'administration des indigènes par eux-mêmes au Tanganyika sur les bases des institutions locales existantes.

(d) Adaptation des cérémonies d'initiation, réalisée par l'Éveque Lucas. Ces rites, qui existent probablement depuis un temps immémorial et font partie de la civilisation indigène, ont été incorporés dans le programme de l'éducation chrétienne prévue pour les Massai. Ainsi le christianisme apparaît comme ajouté à la civilisation du pays et non comme un élément destiné à détruire celle-ci.

L'expérience projetée à Iringa est une simple tentative pour préserver la civilisation indigène et en même temps pour adapter cette civilisation aux nouvelles conditions sociales. Dès la fondation d'une école il sera constitué un comité d'adviseurs indigènes, composé d'hommes influents et expérimentés, sans le consentement desquels rien ne se fera. Les recherches ethnologiques se combineront avec l'enseignement, l'école sera une image aussi exacte que possible de la vie indigène. L'instruction sera d'abord en grande partie celle que les enfants des deux sexes auraient reçue chez eux en ce qui concerne les traditions de la tribu, l'histoire, la morale, la culture, les soins aux troupeaux. Plus tard, si des changements sont reconnus nécessaires, on les introduira prudemment et seulement après que les adviseurs en ayant reconnu l'opportunité y auront consenti.

Quelques-uns des projets les plus caractéristiques feront mieux comprendre le système. (1) Les bâtiments scolaires seront construits d'après le modèle des habitations indigènes, ony apportera seulement les améliorations qui peuvent être prévues et réalisées par les gens du pays édifiant leurs maisons. (2) L'enseignement littéraire et historique sera donné en usant de la langue locale et en développant l'histoire de la tribu. Ensuite on pourra étendre cet enseignement en étudiant d'autres sociétés et de manière à aborder des connaissances internationales. (3) L'enseignement projeté s'intéressera surtout à l'agriculture, au bétail, de manière à permettre aux professions et métiers indigènes de subsister. Le calcul, l'écriture, la lecture seront accessoires, les autres matières étant considérées comme les plus importantes.

On suppose qu'en mettant en relief aux yeux de l'indigène l'importance de sa propre civilisation on réussira mieux à maintenir la solidarité sociale et à opérer les changements inévitables en partant des institutions africaines plutôt qu'en les imposant de l'extérieur. C'est là sans doute une nécessité si l'on veut adapter heureusement et sainement l'Africain aux conditions sociales nouvelles.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © International African Institute 1929

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References

page 138 note 1 The word culture is used throughout this paper to mean the sum total of conditions of life amongst any peoples: there can be no tribe with no culture, nor can it be said that any given tribe has much culture: the only differentiation is between a complex and a simple culture.

page 139 note 1 Cf. Smith, , The Golden Stool, pp. 64, 137 et seq.Google Scholar ; also Hambly, , Origins of Education among Primitive Peoples, pp. 21–6.Google Scholar

page 139 note 1 See Smith, , op. cit. p. 56,Google Scholar also Gregory, , The Menace of Colour, pp. 223–4.Google Scholar Both writers point out that tropical Queensland is being developed by white labour. The success of the work in Queensland is extremely doubtful, however, and in North Australia it is an acknowledged failure. Even supposing that Central Africa could be developed by white labour, it is difficult to see where sufficient numbers could be recruited to dispense with native help. And have not the un-touched areas of Canada and Australia which have a temperate climate the first claim?

page 140 note 1 Pitt-Rivers, , ‘The Effect on Native Races of Contact with European Civilization’, Man, Jan. 1927Google Scholar, also his The Clash of Culture and Contact of Races. Cf. Rivers, , ‘The Dying Out of Native Races’, Lancet, 1920Google Scholar; Willoughby, , Race Problems in the New Africa, Chap. IX.Google Scholar It must be noted that there are cases where white occupation causes an increase of population, e.g. Java and India, but these bring in a new set of problems.

page 140 note 2 Memorandum published by H.M. Stationery Office, 1925; cf. Hambley, op. cit. Chap. I.

page 140 note 3 Lugard, , The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, pp. 425 and 431.Google Scholar

page 141 note 1 Smith, , The Christian Mission in Africa, a report of the Le Zoute Conference, pp. 150–1.Google Scholar

page 141 note 2 Report of Education Conference, 1925, published by the Tanganyika Government Press, p. 75.

page 141 note 3 Westermann, , ‘The Place of the Vernacular in African Education’, International Review of Missions, vol. 14, no. 53.Google Scholar

page 141 note 4 For details of schools in Africa, see the reports of the Phelps-Stokes Commissions to West and East Africa (1923 and 1925) also departmental reports of various governments of the tropical dependencies.

page 142 note 1 For further details, see Mumford, , ‘Native Schools in Central Africa’, Journal of the African Society, April 1927Google Scholar; also Church, , East Africa, a new Dominion, pp. 147150.Google Scholar Owing to the author being transferred to another station, and his later travels in America, the experiment was not pursued for a sufficient length of time to judge its full possibilities. The account given here and in the former article describes the whole scheme, only a part of which was actually put into effect.

page 143 note 1 Frazer, in an introduction to Hobley's Bantu Beliefs and Magic, writes: ‘To legislate for the savages on European principles of law and morality, even when the legislator is inspired by none but the most benevolent intentions, is always dangerous and not seldom disastrous.’ Surely the same principle applies to educational policies.

page 145 note 1 See Report of the Permanent Mandates Commission, 1927.

page 145 note 2 Other Native Administration Schools were proposed and formed during the course of the following year in various parts of the Territory, and since then there have been ever-increasing numbers. Kizigo was the first however, and has many original features, hence its selection for description here.

page 146 note 1 Native boards of governors have been tried at quite a number of schools in Africa. Mr. Foster founded one in Tanga in 1923, and again at Moshi in 1926. Some missions too, particularly in Uganda, have native synods or boards of elders who have some control over mission schools.

page 147 note 1 It is interesting to note that Kizigo in its turn has many points of similarity to the Bukoba experiment. The importance attached to self-government, the division into small groups, the school court, the housing accommodation of improved native huts, and the generous allocation of time to agriculture and animal husbandry are all points in common.

page 148 note 1 The following is a prècis of Bishop Lucas's article in the International Review of Missions, April 1927, entitled ‘The Educational Value of Initiatory Rites’.

page 149 note 1 Millman, , ‘The Tribal Initiation Ceremonies of the Lokele’, International Review of Missions, July 1927.Google Scholar

page 150 note 1 Raum, , ‘Christianity and African Puberty Rites’, International Review of Missions, October 1927.Google Scholar The full reasons for Mr. Raum's objections to the inclusion of the rites in the African Church are as follows:

(a) The rites have been dropped in some parts of Africa and therefore are not essential to tribal life.

(b) The ceremonies lead to age-grades, men's societies, and other ‘arbitrary egoistic social groups’ as against the ‘God-given natural social groups’, the family and clan.

(e) Granted some educational value in the rites, the value is not comparable with that of a European education, and those tribes who cling most tenaciously to the rites are the most backward, e.g. the Masai.

(d) That the African will defend his own heritage without our aid if it is worth retaining; he successfully resisted any change in culture after long contact with Portugal and Arabia.

(e) That St. Paul, in Mr. Raum's opinion, clearly tells us to have nothing to do with animistic beliefs.

(f) That the Gospel is the only true power for moral regeneration.

(g) The use of the ceremonies within the Church confuses the boundary between Christianity and heathendom.

Reference (a): the dropping of the rites is nearly always the first stage of detribalization. Reference (b): it appears that a God-given natural group is one that agrees with Western custom. Reference (c): this is only true if Western codes are the only standards, but may not Africa have her own standards of progress? Reference (g): why should there be a boundary line, why not gradual evolution? Mr. Raum is definitely allowing Christianity to become an instrument of detribalization; this is surely a dangerous policy and likely to harm the name of Christianity.

page 151 note 1 The old institutions in themselves would be inadequate, however they were developed; ‘through our coming to Africa formal education has become necessary. We have introduced a new European environment to which the Native must adjust himself. For example, we have introduced an economic system in which the uneducated Native is at a serious disadvantage. The danger of exploitation of the ignorant Native by the unscrupulous educated European or Native is very great’ (Loram, The Education of the South African Native, p. 31).

page 152 note 1 Temple, , Native Races and their Rulers, p. 70Google Scholar, describes the duties of an administrative officer thus: ‘The true measure of his success will be the respect with which the populace hold their own chiefs and elders, and not him, combined with general good relations between the private individuals which compose the clan and the general prosperity of the unit’. Similar remarks would be equally applicable to the development of a native educational system.

page 153 note 1 Tilsey, , in the World Dominion, p. 19, Dec. 1925Google Scholar : ‘There is, for example, a cleft driven between old and young members of families and tribes, a feud created by those who look back on yesterday with its stability and ordered life and those who are all for the new ways.’

Surely all who have worked in Africa will have remarked on this cleavage, but is it necessary? Why is it not possible to evolve the old to meet the new demands? All progress if it is to be sure must honour the old men and their advice. Thus the board of governors should be composed of the old and tried men of the tribe first, even if they are against change and the new ways.

page 154 note 1 Matola, Head Native Teacher, speaking at a Conference in 1925 said: ‘We hope that iron-smelting and the making of home-made tools shall be encouraged if it will not be too injurious to European trade.’ This perhaps is an unfortunate example; primitive tool making is bound to give way to better and cheaper machine-made tools. There are other handicrafts such as mat-making and carving, which could find a place in the economic future, (op. cit., p. 104.)

page 154 note 1 Malinowski, Crime and Custom in Savage Society, describes how social and economic organization of primitive peoples is based upon ‘reciprocal obligations’.

page 155 note 1 Frazer, , The Golden Bough (abrgd. ed.), p. 28.Google Scholar

page 155 note 2 Amongst the Bunyoro, men will leave their homes and go far afield to work as labourers, returning later with money and new clothes and a story of wealthy friends rather than admit having worked. The position is somewhat analogous to the disgrace to a family in middle-class England if the mother of the family goes to work; it reflects upon the husband's capacity to support the home.

page 157 note 1 The boys at Bukoba School in 1925 built their own dormitories. Similarly in 1926 the Tanga apprentices under Mr. Foster built the whole of Moshi School.

page 159 note 1 See the Colonial Office Report on Ashanti, 1921.