Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgement
- Introduction
- 1 Towards A Post-Racialist Malaysia
- 2 Colonialism's Legacy Is A Defensive Psyche
- 3 All You Hybrids, Emerge From Your Closet
- 4 Labour Stripped Down To Bare Essentials
- 5 How Will Nationalism Evolve?
- 6 Selangor – The Battleground For Malaysia's Future
- 7 A Lesson For Countries Where Fear Of Political Change Runs Deep
- 8 What Brain, What Drain?
- 9 Can Pakatan Rakyat Continue To Inspire?
- 10 Tun Dr Lim, A Local And National Leader
- 11 Urban Parochialism, Rural Cosmopolitanism
- 12 How Will Najib Play His Cards?
- 13 Turning Isolating Distance Into Social Space
- 14 BN's Systemic Weaknesses Are Not Going Away
- 15 Dr M: Politician To The Core
- 16 Bookstores And Our Weak Sense Of Self-Esteem
- 17 Malaysia's Future After March 8, 2008
- 18 BN Feels The Sarawak Heat
- 19 Now's Not The Time For Najib To Call A GE
- 20 More Federalism, Less Centralism
- 21 Bersih 2.0 Is Najib's Biggest Challenge
- 22 Bersih 2.0: Malaysia's King Steps Forth
- 23 Weighing The Political Cost Of July 9
- 24 Must We Stay Victims Of Past Strategies?
- 25 UMNO Turning Right Leads BN Downhill
- 26 ISA Repeal: Najib Should Push Ahead
- 27 Will Najib's Election Goodies Be Enough?
- 28 Did Malaysia Mature When We Were Not Looking?
- 29 Securing Public Space In The Post-Imperial Age
- 30 In Malaysia, Reforms Take A Staggered Path
- 31 A Long Life Lived In Politics
- 32 Anwar Acquittal Boosts Malaysia's Opposition
- 33 New Think Tanks For New Times
- 34 Malaysian Envelopment
- 35 Saving Federalism In Malaysia
- 36 Kuala Lumpur – Still Best At Being Middling
- 37 ASEAN – A Post-Colonial Sisterhood
- 38 General Over A Hesitant Army
- 39 “Heal Malaysia” – A Slogan For The Elections
- 40 Putting May 13 To Rest
- 41 Past Cures As Present Addictions
- 42 Rules Of The Road Are Best Practices For Good Governance
- 43 Dignity Is The Basic Human Right
- 44 The Nation Must Embrace A New Stage In Its Development
- 45 Marks Of A Sincere Malaysian Leader
- 46 Impressions Of Istanbul, Or How History Never Ends
- 47 School Is Dead, Long Live Education
- 48 Income Gap, Outcome Bad
- 49 The Deuce Position And Najib's Incumbency Advantage
- 50 The Resurgence Of Social Activism In Malaysia
- 51 From Now On, It's A Malay vs Malay Contest
- 52 If Only The World Would Remain Flat…
- 53 Education For What And For Whom?
- 54 Political Picnicking In KL
- 55 Malaysian Togetherness Survives Despite Its Leaders
- 56 Malaysians Done Making Do
38 - General Over A Hesitant Army
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgement
- Introduction
- 1 Towards A Post-Racialist Malaysia
- 2 Colonialism's Legacy Is A Defensive Psyche
- 3 All You Hybrids, Emerge From Your Closet
- 4 Labour Stripped Down To Bare Essentials
- 5 How Will Nationalism Evolve?
- 6 Selangor – The Battleground For Malaysia's Future
- 7 A Lesson For Countries Where Fear Of Political Change Runs Deep
- 8 What Brain, What Drain?
- 9 Can Pakatan Rakyat Continue To Inspire?
- 10 Tun Dr Lim, A Local And National Leader
- 11 Urban Parochialism, Rural Cosmopolitanism
- 12 How Will Najib Play His Cards?
- 13 Turning Isolating Distance Into Social Space
- 14 BN's Systemic Weaknesses Are Not Going Away
- 15 Dr M: Politician To The Core
- 16 Bookstores And Our Weak Sense Of Self-Esteem
- 17 Malaysia's Future After March 8, 2008
- 18 BN Feels The Sarawak Heat
- 19 Now's Not The Time For Najib To Call A GE
- 20 More Federalism, Less Centralism
- 21 Bersih 2.0 Is Najib's Biggest Challenge
- 22 Bersih 2.0: Malaysia's King Steps Forth
- 23 Weighing The Political Cost Of July 9
- 24 Must We Stay Victims Of Past Strategies?
- 25 UMNO Turning Right Leads BN Downhill
- 26 ISA Repeal: Najib Should Push Ahead
- 27 Will Najib's Election Goodies Be Enough?
- 28 Did Malaysia Mature When We Were Not Looking?
- 29 Securing Public Space In The Post-Imperial Age
- 30 In Malaysia, Reforms Take A Staggered Path
- 31 A Long Life Lived In Politics
- 32 Anwar Acquittal Boosts Malaysia's Opposition
- 33 New Think Tanks For New Times
- 34 Malaysian Envelopment
- 35 Saving Federalism In Malaysia
- 36 Kuala Lumpur – Still Best At Being Middling
- 37 ASEAN – A Post-Colonial Sisterhood
- 38 General Over A Hesitant Army
- 39 “Heal Malaysia” – A Slogan For The Elections
- 40 Putting May 13 To Rest
- 41 Past Cures As Present Addictions
- 42 Rules Of The Road Are Best Practices For Good Governance
- 43 Dignity Is The Basic Human Right
- 44 The Nation Must Embrace A New Stage In Its Development
- 45 Marks Of A Sincere Malaysian Leader
- 46 Impressions Of Istanbul, Or How History Never Ends
- 47 School Is Dead, Long Live Education
- 48 Income Gap, Outcome Bad
- 49 The Deuce Position And Najib's Incumbency Advantage
- 50 The Resurgence Of Social Activism In Malaysia
- 51 From Now On, It's A Malay vs Malay Contest
- 52 If Only The World Would Remain Flat…
- 53 Education For What And For Whom?
- 54 Political Picnicking In KL
- 55 Malaysian Togetherness Survives Despite Its Leaders
- 56 Malaysians Done Making Do
Summary
And so the third Bersih rally has taken place. It cannot be understood in isolation from the political dynamics of the last few years.
The demonstration itself went well, with tens of thousands of Malaysians taking to the streets, many dressed in the yellow T-shirt that has come to signify the nation-wide demand for electoral reforms.
No violence had occurred by the time the organisers, led by former Law Council chairman Ambiga Sreenevasan, told demonstrators at around 2pm to disperse, having achieved the show of strength the movement had wished for to back its call to Prime Minister Najib Razak to ensure that the coming General Election would be free and fair.
Exactly how violence between the riot police and demonstrators began is not clear. Rumours that agent provocateurs were responsible have been spreading.
Whatever the case, the huge April 28 demonstration poses a serious challenge to the Barisan Nasional government, especially since the event received big support from similar rallies held simultaneously throughout the country and by Malaysians in dozens of cities throughout the world.
Taking His Time
As the Bersih movement developed from being an initiative thought up by opposition parties in mid-2005 to a civil-society organisation come July last year, the government has, for the most part, played a reactive role.
Since taking power in April 2009, Mr Najib has initiated many reforms - the most noteworthy being the recent repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA) of 1960 that had allowed for unlimited detention without trial.
His personal popularity grew impressively as a result but, strangely, without the coalition that he leads gaining much from it.
The problem for him is one of credibility. His predecessor, Mr Abdullah Badawi, was correctly advised in 2005 when he formed an independent commission to help him reform the police establishment. The hopes he raised then were dashed when he had to beat a retreat on that initiative and on many of his reforms.
Mr Najib has learned from this and has taken his time to work out reforms that can be carried out. He has avoided using the ISA during his time in power, but he has also avoided trying to reform the police.
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- Done Making Do1Party Rule Ends in Malaysia, pp. 111 - 113Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstitutePrint publication year: 2013