Excavation of the surviving half of a barrow, identified from aerial photographs as having three concentric ditches, revealed a sequence of at least six major alterations. The site may originally have been a Class I henge monument subsequently adapted for use as a barrow. Features of all phases were mainly in the central area of the barrow and included two inhumations in coffins, one accompanied by a Yorkshire-type food vessel. A cremation in a Primary Series collared urn was accompanied by a bronze razor/knife and two flint plano-convex knives. A further cremation in a collared urn was found in the middle ditch. The barrow lay close to a settlement; early Bronze Age flintwork and pottery, including Grooved Ware and Beaker, were recovered from the several phases of mound make-up.

The widespread adoption of deeper ploughing has led to the discovery during recent years of many remarkable antiquities in East Anglia. Prominent among recent discoveries resulting from this practice have been a series of finds of metal objects of the Early Iron Age in north-western Norfolk. These have ranged from an iron anthropoid sword with an inhumation burial at Shouldham through isolated finds, such as tores at Bawsey and North Creake, to the impressive group of hoards of ornaments and coins at Snettisham and the small hoard here studied found at Ringstead five miles from Snettisham and two miles east of Hunstanton.

Few remains of the latter part of the Iron Age from about 100 B.C. to A.D. 43 had previously been recorded from north-west Norfolk. Within a ten-mile radius of Ringstead only indefinite traces of human occupation had been noted, such as pottery from Hunstanton and coins of the Iceni from Brancaster, Burnham Thorpe and possibly Ingoldisthorpe. A much-damaged hillfort at South Creake has been attributed to this period, though on very little direct evidence. Actual indications of settlement at this period are still very scanty.

One of Piggott's Young Turks, C.W. Phillips (1987, 48), wrote in his autobiography, ‘By 1935, I was to be part-author of a revolution in the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia and become Hon. Secretary of the national Prehistoric Society conjured from its ashes.’

To this day, the transition of the regional Prehistoric Society of East Anglia to the national Prehistoric Society is remembered as a well planned coup. The story of an abrupt and resisted occupation of this key institution stands vividly in collective archaeological memory. In a recent interview, Thurstan Shaw, who took a First in the Cambridge Archaeology and Anthropology Tripos in 1936, clearly remembered his very young teacher, Grahame Clark, ‘referring to the take-over with considerable satisfaction’ (Shaw, in conversation with the author, 1996). Another of Clark's students, Jack Golson, who graduated in '51, maintains that Phillips, Clark, Hawkes, and Piggott took the Society out of an ‘East Anglia frame to a national level … They stacked it!’ (Golson, in conversation with the author, 1996).

We report on the recording and analysis of 17 petroglyph or pictograph sites, containing a total of 168 glyphic units, carried out as part of a large scale survey of the ancient district (moku) of Kahikinui, on south-eastern Maui Island, Hawaiian Islands. In contrast with previous studies which have tended to view Hawaiian petroglyphs as divorced from their larger archaeological context, we analyse and interpret this corpus in terms of a landscape-level settlement analysis. The Kahikinui petroglyphs exhibit a regular and limited range of motifs, with certain styles of anthropomorphs and zoomorphs (especially dogs) dominating; petroglyphs dating to the early post-European contact period are characterised by Roman lettering reflecting early missionary efforts at literacy. Petroglyphs are strongly associated either with an early historic-period trail, or with rockshelters and cliff faces where there is evidence for freshwater springs or seeps. In the arid environment of Kahikinui, freshwater was a precious resource, and the petroglyphs may have served as territorial markers, or signs of individual ownership or rights of access. Excavations at three rockshelter sites with petroglyphs provide indirect evidence for dating these petroglyphs to the late prehistoric era (16th to 18th centuries AD). Comparisons with petroglyph sites on other islands in the Hawaiian archipelago indicate the existence of distinct regional variations.

A variable proportion of finds from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of ‘Old Europe’ has come from places outside settlements, cemeteries, production sites, ritual sites, or caves. Such finds tend to be described as ‘chance/isolated/single/stray’ finds or, when in groups, as ‘hoards’. The frequent, modernist cause invoked for these finds is that they were either ‘hidden’ in times of mortal danger, represented a ‘gift to the gods’, or simply ‘lost’. One reason for these explanatory shortcomings is the over-attention to the types of objects deposited in the landscape and the frequent lack of attention to the often-distinctive place of deposition. We believe that we have misnamed, overlooked, or not accurately characterised an entire class of sites, which we term ‘landscape deposition sites’, whose defining feature was the transformation of a place by the deposition of a significant object or group of objects to create a qualitatively different place. The creation of such landscape deposit sites varied in time and space throughout Old Europe, but all sites were affected by this new dimension of the extended cultural domain.

In this article, we consider the interpretations of metal deposition in North-west Europe and the light they shed on an earlier and geographically different region. The primary aim of this paper is an exploration of the variable relationships between landscape deposit sites and the coeval finds made in special deposits in settlements and cemeteries in the 5th and 4th millennia bc, which will lead to proposed new interpretations of landscape deposition sites.

In 1917 the work at Grime's Graves was carried out by Mr. and Mrs. E. T. Lingwood and myself, and was limited to sections and floors, as the war prevented us from obtaining outside labour. For permission to excavate, we are again much indebted to the Trustees of the Weeting Estate, Mrs. T. S. Hall and Mr. C. Cockburn. The following paper gives the results of the work, and in it are figured some of the new implements.

The Grime's Graves culture shows a wide variety of forms, and I think it is important to illustrate as many of these as possible. This vast factory must have sent out implements far beyond the present boundaries of Britain, and no doubt many implements found on the Continent will be traced to this source. Very few industries have been sufficiently illustrated in the past, and this has led to erroneous conclusions when collections are not accessible.

These implements and flakes were collected during the past two years from the ploughed fields of Beer Head and the immediate vicinity.

The white cliffs at Beer Head, S.E. Devon, are the last of the Chalk Cliffs to westward on the South Coast, but cretaceous beds appear inland further west at Haldon and Bovey Tracy.

The cliff section shows greensand at the base, and chalk, with a thin capping of “clay with flints and chert,” above.

The highest point of the Head is 475 ft. O.D. Early in last century gun-flints were made on this site. Occasional flakes from this factory are met with and are easily distinguished by their dull surface. The fields in which the implements were found are near the coastguard station, and from about 200 to 600 yards from the cliffs.

During the seasons 1926-8 excavations have been undertaken in this cavern by a party of members of the Torquay Natural History Society, co-operating with a sub-committee of Section H of the British Association. A trench 60 feet long has been carried along the northern wall of the chambers known as the Vestibule and the N.E. Gallery so as to pass directly beneath the original position of the Black Band, a prehistoric hearth of very late Magdalenian age discovered in 1866 by William Pengelly. The Black Band adhered to the base of the upper or Granular Stalagmite, and at a depth of 4 feet lower in the Cave-earth, Pengelly had collected a couple of rostrate scrapers, an end-scraper with opposed point, and a bone pin, identified by Miss Garrod in 1926 as belonging to an industry of Middle Aurignacian type.

In 1931 I described two newly-discovered stone age industries of post-glacial age situated in north-east Ireland which had been made by myself and worked in conjunction with my friend C. Blake Whelan: the one from the Lower Estuarine Clay on Islandmagee, and the other from what is probably a fluviatile gravel intercalated between the Upper and Lower Estuarine Clays in the raised-beach formation at Cushendun.

The former of these cultures has its counterpart in the blade industry beneath alluvium in the Orwell Estuary at Ipswich, Suffolk; whilst the latter finds its parallel in the raised-beach at Campbeltown in Argyllshire, Scotland. Adopting the familiar culture-sequence of Central Europe I had previously designated these two groups as phases of the Magdalenian period, but, in order to avoid confusion between the time-periods and the nomenclature of continental cultures, I have decided to base my chronology of the north Irish industries upon the natural changes of climate revealed by a study of the deposits in which they were found. The industries to be described below were contemporary with the Mesolithic Forest Cultures distinguished by Childe and Clark over the plain of northern Europe.

In the autumn of 1913, Mr. T. C. Cantrill, F.G.S., of the Geological Survey, drew the writer's attention to the possibility of finding flint artefacts in the surface soils of Hinckley and neigh-bourhood wherever the chalky boulder clays and gravels were in evidence. During his survey of the drift in this district in that and the following year, he himself found a lozenge-shaped scraper (No. 163, Plate LXVIII) in a field at Sapcote, and also five spalls of unmistakable human origin in other neighbouring localities.

In the winter of that year, Mr. F. C. Grimes and I began a systematic search which by the following spring had resulted in sufficient material to encourage us to further efforts, and the following notes are the result of a by no means exhaustive survey during that and the two following winters.

A complex of settlement and ritual monuments with chronological depth covering a core area of c. 4 km2 on the western side of the Monavullagh mountains in Co. Waterford is described. The morphology of the monuments is portrayed and the development of the settlement and ceremonial areas is elucidated. The ritual monuments are situated in three cemeteries or sanctuaries, one of which is united through elaborate geometric themes. This ritual geometry and the religious insights which this affords raises the importance of this complex to an international level. Analogies with similar monuments from Ireland and the upland regions of Britain are discussed. The overseas parallels demonstrate close contact throughout the Early Bronze Age with many parts of Britain, especially Wales. The unique character of the complex amongst Irish prehistoric landscapes is stressed as it fills an apparent gap in the Irish monumental record of the period.

The pottery of the later prehistoric period in the Western Isles of Scotland displays a variety of decorative styles and forms not found elsewhere on the Scottish mainland. Traditional approaches have attempted to define stylistic sequences or to identify wares to which chronological and cultural labels may be attached. In this study neutron activation analysis was utilized to examine if the distinctions which had been drawn were mirrored by chemical composition. Analysis of clay beds had indicated that the analytical and statistical techniques which were employed were sensitive enough to identify patterns which existed within the data. The results for the later prehistoric ceramics indicated that pottery was probably locally produced and locally distributed and that the clays involved in the manufacture of metalworking moulds and crucibles were different in terms of source or method of preparation from those employed in the manufacture of the more mundane range of domestic vessels.

In recent decades some archaeologists have come to doubt key components and properties of the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age (EBA) Avebury monument complex. By site excavation of the Beckhampton Avenue, Silbury Hill, and the West Kennet Palisades the idea of an integrated group of contemporaneous monuments has been thrown into doubt. In this paper these critiques are themselves critiqued and further tested by an inter-disciplinary exercise integrating archaeology, landscape phenomenology, and archaeoastronomy. It is suggested that the emergent properties of this procedure reveal that these recent doubts are unfounded and that this monument complex was designed for rituals to initiate neophytes by simulating journeys through a virtual underworld.

The first appearance of iron in Europe north of the Alps involves more than one story, and much, often ambiguous, evidence. It will be necessary to draw on Greece and Italy more than once in due course, but attention in the present state of enquiry should first be given to the region of the lower Danube, and territory stretching south along the Black Sea to the Bosphorus. This is not because of any abstract deductions that Thrace should form a necessary spring-board from Asia Minor into the depths of Europe, but because material is now coming to light that calls for special consideration on its own merits. A major step forward has resulted from excavations at stratified sites in the Dobrogea, in particular at Babadag (Morintz 1964), and at Cernatu (Székely 1966), and from the latter especially there is substantial evidence for iron smelting as well as forged products: iron strips as ready metal, but also shaft-hole and lugged axes, and blades for sickles, and other heavy duty tools. The chronological position of this iron industry remains open to discussion, and is bound up with evaluations of the pottery sequence especially as worked out at Babadag. The iron industry occurred in a level with pottery of the Middle Babadag style at both sites mentioned. Middle Babadag pottery continues shapes and motifs of the Early style, but decoration is executed with twisted and impressed cord, apparently a regional development.

Petrological and chemical analyses of stone, bronze and iron implements are playing an increasingly important role in the study of prehistoric economies. Their contributions, long familiar to students of European prehistory, were recently discussed in a paper which also reviewed the evidence from Polynesia, Melanesia and Australia (Clark, 1965). Apart from some studies limited to stone artefacts from individual archaeological sites, these techniques have not previously been applied to material from Australian prehistory (Gutsche in McBryde, 1966; Branagan and Megaw, 1969). In this brief communication we present some of the results of a petrological analysis of ground-edge artefacts from north-eastern New South Wales.

The widespread dispersal of stone for axe-making based on organized exploitation of definite quarry sites is well documented in the historical and anthropological literature for eastern Australia at the time of European settlement. Unfortunately few of these historical records are sufficiently detailed, so even for the recent past as well as for prehistory, techniques of petrological analysis may make vital contributions to our knowledge both of quarry sites in eastern Australia and of the distribution of their products. Our preliminary discussion here is based on an investigation of some 200 axes mainly taken from the archaeological collections in the History Department of the University of New England and various local museum and private collections, but also including axes from northern New South Wales in the Australian collections of the British Museum, the Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, and the Anthropological Museum of Aberdeen University.

‘He lifted a large boulder and discovered five hundred Armorican coins. For countless years a large boulder had lain undisturbed in the corner of a field belonging to Miss Amy. … Time and again it had been scraped and chipped by ploughs, but nobody had ever thought of moving it. But on Tuesday morning it fouled the plough once too often and seventeen-year old Peter Langlois decided that it was time to remove it’. This passage, quoted from the Evening Post of 25th January last, records one of the most important discoveries ever made in the island; it was made on 22nd January 1957, at Le Catillon de Haut, in the parish of Grouville.

Jersey has the distinction of being the home of a very active learned society with a Museum that forms a true centre of archaeological research; it is well known to its citizens and has a reputation reaching far beyond its borders. My friends Father Burdo, Major Rybot, the learned numismatist, and Mr Emile Guiton, the Curator, were so kind as to invite me to examine this latest discovery, of which I made a preliminary inventory in February. Its interest is very great.… But before proceeding to an examination of the hoard I should like to place it in its proper perspective and to give a short summary of earlier discoveries, in so far as these are known. Mrs Jacquetta Hawkes has already listed these finds in her Archaeology of the Channel Islands. Here I shall confine myself to the numismatic details that characterize them.