The comparative student of man's work learns about doctors by studying plumbers; and about prostitutes by studying psychiatrists. This is not to suggest any degree of similarity greater than chance expectation between the members of these pairs, but simply to indicate that the student starts with the assumption that all kinds of work belong in the same series, regardless of their places in prestige or ethical ratings. In order to learn, however, one must find a frame of reference applicable to all cases without regard to such ratings. To this end, we seek for the common themes in human work. One such theme is that of routine and emergency. By this I mean that one man's routine of work is made up of the emergencies of other people. In this respect, the pairs of occupations named above do perhaps have some rather close similarities. Both the physician and the plumber do practice esoteric techniques for the benefit of people in distress. The psychiatrist and the prostitute must both take care not to become too personally involved with clients who come to them with rather intimate problems. I believe that in the study of work, as in that of other human activities and institutions, progress is apt to be commensurate with our ability to draw a wide range of pertinent cases into view. The wider the range, the more we are forced to find a fundamental frame of reference.

This article utilizes the “regulation approach” in order to rethink the origins and resolution of crisis. It provides an account of the political conflicts of the 1930s and 1940s which gave rise to a model of development in Canada which can be labelled “permeable fordism.” Rapid economic growth after the Second World War had specific national traits but these were based on wage relations and macro-economic policies similar to other countries which have been labelled fordist. The political compromise of Canada's “fordism” was, in contrast, quite different. The compromise was based on a new national discourse more than on one stressing the capital-labour relationship and organized by class-based parties. The article demonstrates how these differences were rooted in the political conflict of the 1930s and 1940s, the moment when the earlier model of development came apart around the challenges posed to Canadian federalism by the Depression and the Second World War.

The article argues that in many Arab countries the political economy of regional petroleum wealth has served to inhibit democratization. In the particular case of Jordan, petrodollar foreign aid and workers' remittances long served as a critical aspect of political stability, supporting regime neo-patrimonialism and blunting pressures for greater participation. Equally, the decline of those revenues in the late 1980s spurred the eventual collapse of the foundations upon which the old economic and political order had been built. With this came the need to negotiate a new social contract, resulting in a far-reaching process of political liberalization and partial democratization after April 1989.

This article compares public service reform in Canada, France and the United Kingdom from the perspective of the extent and mode of incorporation of neoliberal policy ideas into reform agendas and programmes. It does so with a view to advancing discussion of the role of ideas as an explanatory category in ''historical institutionalist'' accounts of policy realignment. Resilience or permeability to change is linked to the pattern of interaction between ideas and institutions embedded in national and provincial public service regimes, and particularly to constitutive ideals of citizenship and public authority. The article highlights the respective roles of political, administrative and judicial elites in filtering the reception of new reform ideas in the three countries in an era of neoliberal globalization.

Abstract. The relationship of national identifications to preferences about immigration is a subject of empirical controversy. The hypothesis we explore here through a comparison of Canada and the United States is that the normative content of national identity—how people define the meaning of patriotism in their country—mediates the relationship between national pride and sentiment about immigration and multiculturalism. How political elites construct what citizens should be proud of matters. In comparisons based on the 2003 International Social Survey Program's “National Identity Module,” Canadians seem more divided than Americans over their nationality and generally less chauvinist. Canadians are more receptive to maintaining the current level of immigration and see newcomers as less threatening to economic and cultural values. The relationship between identification with the country and support for immigration and multiculturalism diverges sharply between the countries: where in Canada the relationship is positive, in the US it is negative.

Résumé. Le lien entre l'identification à la nation et les préférences quant à l'immigration est un sujet de controverse. À travers une comparaison du Canada et des Etats-Unis, l'hypothèse que nous explorons ici est que le contenu normatif de l'identité nationale, c'est-à-dire le sens donné par la population au patriotisme envers leur pays, joue un rôle intermédiaire dans la relation entre la fierté nationale et les sentiments vis-à-vis l'immigration et le multiculturalisme. La façon dont les élites politiques construisent ce en quoi les citoyens devraient être fiers revêt donc une importance particulière. À titre comparatif, en se basant sur le « Module Identité Nationale » du International Social Survey Programme de 2003, les Canadiens semblent plus divisés que les Américains sur la signification de leur identité nationale et, de façon générale, sont moins chauvins. Les Canadiens sont également plus réceptifs à l'idée de maintenir l'immigration à son niveau actuel et voient les nouveaux arrivants comme étant moins menaçants pour leurs valeurs économiques et culturelles. La relation entre l'identification au pays et le support pour l'immigration et le multiculturalisme diverge nettement entre les deux pays. Alors qu'au Canada la relation est positive, aux Etats-Unis elle est négative.

One of the most distinctive concepts for the study of public policy in Canada is that of policy or governing instruments. This article describes the origins of this literature, provides an overview of its theoretical claims, and evaluates some of these claims. It is argued, first, that the literature is too directly tied to particular theories of the state and of the policy-making process and that those ties are both unnecessary and constrain the usefulness of the concept of policy instruments. Second, the treatment of coercion as the central feature differentiating policy instruments is questioned and an alternative formulation is proposed.

Abstract. This study analyzes the factors that led two Canadian mining companies, Noranda and Placer Dome, to adopt polices on corporate social responsibility (CSR). Although much has been written on CSR in the business and organization fields, there has been little scholarly treatment of the topic from a social sciences perspective. A common assumption is that companies are merely reacting to societal pressures from transnational non-governmental organizations. This study challenges that assumption, by weighing the impact of emerging global norms of CSR against influences internal to the companies themselves, and domestic influences operating in Canada. The research findings point to the decisive influence of internal company dynamics and the experience of operating mines in Canada. While emerging global CSR norms are important, their role is more complex than is often assumed, as mining companies have been proactive in their efforts to shape those norms.

Résumé. Cette étude analyse les facteurs qui ont amené deux sociétés minières canadiennes, Noranda et Placer Dome, à adopter des politiques concernant la responsabilité sociale de l'entreprise (RSE). La RSE a fait couler beaucoup d'encre dans le domaine des affaires et de l'organisation, mais peu de chercheurs s'y sont intéressés dans la perspective des sciences sociales. On part très souvent de l'hypothèse que les sociétés se contentent de réagir aux pressions sociales exercées par les organisations non-gouvernementales transnationales. Cette étude remet cette hypothèse en question en comparant l'impact des normes globales émergentes de la RSE aux influences internes aux sociétés elles-mêmes, et aux influences domestiques qui s'exercent au Canada. Les résultats révèlent l'influence décisive des dynamiques internes des sociétés et celle de l'expérience dérivée de l'exploitation des mines au Canada. Les normes globales émergentes en matière de RSE sont certes importantes, mais leur rôle est plus complexe qu'on ne l'admet souvent car les sociétés minières ont joué un rôle très actif dans leur élaboration.

Abstract. I show that the strong electoral success of the Liberal party in Canada stems in great part from the strong support of Catholics and Canadians of non-European origin. In the absence of the fervent backing it enjoys among these two groups, the Liberals would not be among the most successful democratic parties in the world. Yet, we do not have a good understanding of why Catholics and non-Europeans vote Liberal. I argue that the group bases of Liberal support should lead us to question the common interpretation that the party's centrist policy position is the key to its electoral success.

Résumé. Je montre que le succès électoral du Parti libéral fédéral au Canada découle en bonne partie de l'appui des catholiques et des citoyens d'origine non européenne. Sans l'appui solide de ces deux groupes, le Parti libéral n'aurait pas remporté les succès électoraux remarquables qu'il a connus. Pourtant, nous n'avons toujours pas d'explication satisfaisante des raisons qui amènent les catholiques et les citoyens d'origine non européenne à voter pour le Parti libéral. Je soutiens que ces tendances sociologiques lourdes devraient nous inciter à remettre en question l'interprétation habituelle selon laquelle les succès libéraux sont attribuables aux positions centristes du parti.

This article examines the relationship between the previous political experiences of immigrants and their subsequent involvement in Canadian politics. A 1983 Toronto-area survey of immigrants of various ethnic origins (British, West Indian, Southern and Eastern European) who had been in Canada for five years or less serves as the study's data base. Two hypotheses derived from the relevant literature are investigated: immigrants will have difficulty “transferring” or making relevant past political experiences; and only those (that is, the British) whose system resembles the new one (Canadian) can accomplish transference. However, a more optimistic perspective is proposed suggesting the likelihood of transference regardless of the system of origin. Test results support this latter view.

Issue ownership refers to political parties' recognized capacity or reputation to deal competently with a number of issues and problems. Canadian perceptions of party competence in five issue areas are examined: unemployment, inflation, national unity, public finance management and international affairs. Using aggregate-level Gallup poll data from a 50-year period, the study shows not only that Canadians distinguish between federal parties based on their issue-handling capabilities, but also that party images are not impervious to change. Two particular moments of realignment in party images are identified: the beginning of the 1960s, and the early 1990s. The image of the federal Liberal party clearly benefited from both periods. Beyond the expected projection effect of party popularity, two factors are shown to account at least partially for these variations over time in issue ownership. The parties' performance while in office and the arrival of new competitors within the party system in the 1993 election are both found to significantly affect perceptions of party competence in Canada.

Abstract. This paper improves our understanding of critical junctures, a concept employed in historical institutionalism for exploring change. However, the concept lacks rigour, weakening our ability to define critical junctures. Of late, academics have utilized other mechanisms to identify change in historical institutionalism. Thus, it is within this context that the critical junctures approach is remoulded through the specification of standards, hence reducing uncertainty as to what constitutes a critical juncture. The remoulded approach is employed here in examining change in the Irish Congress of Trade Unions' (ICTU) influence over public policy in 1987.

Résumé. Cet article permet de mieux comprendre le concept de conjoncture critique, qui est utilisé en institutionnalisme historique pour explorer le changement. Ce concept, en effet, manque de rigueur, si bien qu'il est difficile de définir les conjonctures critiques. Récemment, les théoriciens de l'institutionnalisme historique ont eu recours à d'autres mécanismes pour cerner le changement. C'est dans ce contexte que nous remanions la méthode des conjonctures critiques en établissant des normes de manière à pouvoir déterminer avec plus de certitude ce qui constitue une conjoncture critique. Nous employons cette méthode remaniée pour examiner l'évolution de l'influence de l'Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) sur les politiques publiques en 1987.

Federations increasingly face complex policy challenges, from managing climate change to mass migration. COVID-19 is a prime example of this emerging type of problem. This research note introduces the concept of complex intergovernmental problems (CIPs) to better understand these types of challenges.

Abstract. For much of the 1990s, the academic literature on multiculturalism was heavily normative, dominated by political philosophers who developed idealized theories of a distinctly liberal–democratic form of multicultural citizenship. This “liberal multiculturalism hypothesis”—the notion that multiculturalism policies can be adopted without jeopardizing core liberal–democratic values—has been quite influential, shaping debates not just within the field of philosophy, but more widely in academia and indeed in public life. Many social scientists, however, question whether multiculturalism in the real world has been so benign. This paper considers the available evidence, empirically testing the liberal multiculturalism hypothesis, both in Canada and cross-nationally. What does this evidence tell us about the prospects for liberal–democratic multiculturalism and about the impact of multicultural policies on liberal–democratic values?

Résumé. Au cours des années 1990, la littérature académique sur le multiculturalisme était décidément normative, dominée par des philosophes politiques qui ont développé des théories idéalisées d'une forme de citoyenneté multiculturelle nettement libérale-démocrate. Cette «hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral» – la notion que des politiques de multiculturalisme peuvent être adoptées sans compromettre les valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie libérale – s'est avérée très influente, structurant les débats non seulement dans l'enceinte de la philosophie, mais aussi dans l'arène plus vaste du milieu académique et même dans la vie publique. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines, cependant, se demandent si le multiculturalisme dans le monde réel a été si bénin. Cet article examine la preuve disponible tout en évaluant empiriquement l'hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral, tant au Canada qu'ailleurs. Que nous indique cette preuve concernant l'avenir du multiculturalisme libéral démocratique et l'impact des politiques multiculturelles sur les valeurs de la démocratie libérale?

For many years the defence of the giant corporation and oligopoly has been rooted in the argument that both were the product of a technology that requires large-scale enterprises for efficient production. In brief, the economies of mass production are supposed to give rise to optimum-scale firms that are too large, relative to the size of markets, to permit the large numbers of sellers needed to minimize monopoly powers over prices and production.

Although still possessing many adherents, this defence of the giant corporation and oligopoly has recently fallen from favour, perhaps mainly for lack of empirical support, but probably also for other reasons that need not be examined here. In its place has come a new defence. The large oligopolistic corporations, we are now told, have become the principal sources of research and development, and thus of the technological progress which is the backbone of economic growth.

Abstract. Does compulsory voting lead to more knowledgeable and engaged citizens? We report the results from a recent experiment measuring such “second-order effects” in a compulsory voting environment. We conducted the experiment during the 2007 Quebec provincial election among 121 students at a Montreal CEGEP. To receive payment, all the students were required to complete two surveys; half were also required to vote. By comparing knowledge and engagement measures between the two groups, we can measure the second-order effects of compulsory voting. We find little or no such effects.

Résumé. Le vote obligatoire augmente-t-il le niveau d'information et l'engagement politique des citoyens? Nous présentons les résultats d'une expérience mesurant de tels « effets secondaires' » dans un environnement caractérisé par le vote obligatoire. Nous avons mené une expérience auprès de 121 étudiants d'un cégep montréalais lors de l'élection québécoise de 2007. Afin de recevoir une somme d'argent, les étudiants n'avaient qu'à compléter deux questionnaires; une moitié des participants devait en plus voter le jour de l'élection. En comparant le niveau d'information et l'engagement entre les deux groupes, nous pouvons mesurer les effets secondaires du vote obligatoire. Notre expérience révèle que le vote obligatoire a peu ou pas d'effet sur les connaissances et la participation.