A series of analytical descriptions is given, to reveal how defensive principles changed, and the extent to which tradition prevailed throughout the Byzantine period. In addition to those few works whose date is known from literature or inscription, others which seem to have been built in response to specific historical circumstances are included.

Most of the efforts of students of Greek architecture have been devoted to two questions: what the buildings were like and when they were built, rather than to the manner of their design. This emphasis has obviously been justified, for those are the primary questions which must be reasonably well answered before the ‘whys’ and ‘hows’ can be approached. But our understanding of these primary questions has reached a stage where attention to the secondary questions is justified, not only because of their intrinsic interest, but also because a detailed study of proportion has become an established tool of stylistic dating. Some understanding of, or at least some hypothesis about, the way such proportions were envisaged and put into practice by ancient architects is necessary, in order to find out what proportions should most usefully be considered, and at what point small changes in them may represent a significant stylistic change.

The gaps in our knowledge of Bronze Age Euboea are so serious as to amount in some areas to a total blank. This is equally true of the periods immediately preceding and following the Bronze Age and has been commented on by a number of writers concerned with regional surveys. There remains a marked disparity between the state of our information and both the importance suggested by literary tradition and the archaeological potential of so well-placed and fertile an island.

Although so much that has been written about ancient terracotta figurines has concentrated particularly on their arrangement into groups of various kinds, very little attention has been given specifically to the principles necessarily governing any such classification. The object of the present article is to attempt to remedy this neglect in so far as it concerns Greek mould-made terracottas, more especially of the archaic period. This chronological restriction has been thought desirable, partly because of the limitations of my own acquaintance at first hand with material of later date, partly because rather different technical factors do somewhat influence the classification of, for example, Hellenistic terracottas. But it is not to be overlooked that, with suitable modifications, the principles considered here probably have a validity that extends far beyond the archaic period in time and, for that matter, far beyond Greece in area. In the interests of simplicity and clarity it will be necessary to restrict to the basically essential the illustrative material employed and the critical appraisals of classificatory systems used by earlier writers. To offset this brevity let it here be stated that it is expected that the near future will see the publication of the first of a series of detailed studies in which the principles here evolved will be applied on a large scale. Technical matters will be dealt with here only in so far as they have a direct bearing on classification.

The Neolithic layers of Drakaina Cave in Kefalonia Island are characterized by several successive well-preserved plaster floors. These constructed floors, along with the relating archaeological sediments, were examined using micromorphological techniques, which involve the study of petrographie thin sections produced by resin-impregnated, undisturbed blocks of sediment.

At Drakaina, lime plaster was identified as the construction material of the floors, which consist of a mixture of clay and burnt lime as well as a large amount (30–40%) of lime lumps with signs of incomplete transformation to quicklime during the burning process. The raw material used for the production of lime was the soft Neogene mari and limestone found in the nearby areas of the site. The presence of large amounts of lime lumps as a form of plaster aggregate is most likely the product of traditional ‘hot mixing’ or ‘dry slaking’ techniques.

The periodically repeated construction of the stable lime plaster floors in Drakaina using the same techniques as well as the same raw material suggests—among other things—the significance of the site as a locus of recurring social activity. The long lasting consistent method of floor construction combined with possible intensive activity at times implies that the cave and the surrounding environment were of particular importance to the Neolithic community of the area.

Τα νεολιθικά στρώματα του Σπηλαίου Δράκοανα στην Κεφαλονιά χαρακτηρίζονται από αλλεπάλληλα και καλά διατηρημένα δάπεδα. Τα κατασκευασμένα αυτά δάπεδα μαζί με τις αρχαιολογικές τους αποθέσεις μελετήθηκαν με τη μέθοδο της μικρομορφολογίας, η οποία συνίσταται στη μελέτη πετρογραφικών λεπτών τομών από αδιατάρακτα δείγματα επίχωσης, εμποτισμένα προηγουμένως με ειδικές ρητίνες.

Στη Δράκαινα αναγνωρίστηκε ότι το υλικό κατασκευής των δαπέδων είναι ασβεστοκονίαμα αποτελούμενο από μείγμα αργίλου και ασβέστη μαζί με μεγάλη ποσότητα (30–40%) αδιάλυτων συσσωματωμάτων ασβέστη ως αποτέλεσμα της ατελούς μετατροπής του ασβεστόλιθου κατά την πύρωση. Ως πρώτη ύλη για την παρασκευή του ασβέστη χρησιμοποιήθηκαν νεογενείς μαλακές μάργες και ασβεστόλιθοι της περιοχής. Η παρουσία μεγάλων ποσοτήιων συσσωματωμάτων ασβέστη ως συνδετικό υλικό είναι αποτέλεσμα συγκεκριμένης τεχνικής, γνωστής ως “μείξη ασβέστη εν θερμώ”.

Η περιοδική κατασκευή στέρεων δαπέδων από ασβεστοκονίαμα στη Δράκαινα με την ίδια τεχνική και την ίδια πρώτη ύλη υποδεικνύει -μεταξύ άλλων- τη σημασία της θέσης ως τόπου επαναλαμβανόμενης κοινωνικής δραστηριότητας. Η επί μακρόν αμετάβλητη μέθοδος κατασκευής των δαπέδων, συνδυαζόμενη με την εντατική κατά καιρούς χρήση της θέσης, υποδηλώνουν ότι το σπήλαιο και το ευρύτερο περιβάλλον του ήταν ιδιαίτερα σημαντικά για τη νεολιθική κοινότητα της περιοχής.

A Type of small pottery flask which has so far received little attention from students of the Early Christian period appears regularly on sites of sixth- to seventh-century date throughout the eastern Mediterranean. It is fusiform in shape, with a short tubular mouth marked off from the body by a slight ridge, and tapers at the bottom to a roughly truncated point (Fig. I). In view of its general similarity in shape to the common fusiform unguentarium of Hellenistic times I have suggested elsewhere the name Late Roman Unguentarium for the type. The height of complete speciments may be estimated at c. 18–21 cm.; occasionally one meets larger examples (with small flat bases). Such a flask was obviously not meant to be stood up on its base, but is of a convenient shape and size to be clasped in the hand. One may assume that it was provided with a stopper to keep in the contents (presumably of some perishable material, since no examples survive); the ridge below the mouth may have served to secure this.

This paper presents the results of a pilot project which combines, for the first time, biodistance and strontium isotope analyses in the study of human skeletal remains from Early Bronze Age Crete (third millennium bc). Information from these analyses offers, in a direct way, insights into the biological distance, and consequently the gene flow and mobility patterns, among human populations in eastern Crete. The results are synthesised with the evidence of funerary practices in order to explore the nature of interaction among communities in eastern Crete. The biodistance analysis supports a strong genetic affinity between the populations represented at the two Kephala Petras skeletal assemblages, while the results of the available strontium isotope analysis favour their local origin; thus the combined results suggest the lack of significant population influx. The biological distance of the two chronologically contemporary populations at Livari-Skiadi, also manifesting completely different patterns of mortuary disposal, is of particular interest since it contrasts with the Petras situation and raises issues of intra-community distinctions, cultural and biological.

The development of our present-day knowledge of the Parthenon sculptures can be charted in the history of the British Museum's casts of them. Following their acquisition in 1816, the Elgin Marbles were added to periodically in an attempt to render the collection – at least where the Parthenon sculptures were concerned – as complete as possible. These additions include some fragments of original sculpture but, mostly, they consist of casts of sculpture found on the Acropolis following Greek independence. The activities of the Greek Archaeological Society on the Acropolis, removing later accretions and restoring the monuments, created a desire in Athens for casts of the Elgin Marbles. The story of the two-way traffic in casts between Athens and London is told here and documented from the archives of the British Museum.

LH IIIB pottery from Qantir-Piramesse is presented. Although fragmentary, the material is an important addition to the corpus, as pottery dating to this phase is not common in Egypt. NAA chemical analysis suggests that most of it is imported from the Argolid, but that there are some imports from Cyprus and Palestine. Some local production in Egypt is also indicated.

The plain of Lasithi (a corruption of La Sitia, a name which in Venetian days included the whole of the eastern end of Crete) lies in the centre of the Dikte massif some 2750 feet above sea-level (Fig. 1). Originally it was probably of a marshy nature, but, owing to the deforestation of the surrounding mountains and the subsequent washing down of the earth from them, a great depth of soil has collected to form a flat plain, which is now one of the most fertile parts of Crete, especially since the introduction on the potato some forty years ago.

In his basic and indispensable study Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant, published in 1951, Stubbings pointed out that it is only by cross-contacts with the civilizations of the Middle East that any absolute dating for the Aegean Bronze Age can be reached. It is, therefore, rather startling to find that since the diffusion of the Furumark concept and his monumental typology, Mycenaean pottery is itself often used as the cultural cross-contact to date levels at sites in the Middle East where the local pottery has, as yet, a less accessible typology, and where Egyptian dated finds or seals from Syria and Mesopotamia, however abundant, often have to be mistrusted for dating, as they provide too wide a margin in time.

The present attempt to locate and assess some of the recent Mycenaean contacts is unevenly representative, since much of the material from new excavations was not available for study, and I had to leave the Middle East before I had finished my notes. These were made at intervals between June 1962 and April 1966, when I visited most of the Late Bronze Age sites in the Antioch district of Turkey, in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan and saw the Mycenaean pottery in the museums. I did not see recent finds from Egypt or Israel.

The excavations conducted by Payne from 1930 to 1933 at the Corinthian sanctuary of Hera on the tip of the Perachora peninsula have led to extensive revisions of early Corinthian and Megarian history. The main aim of Payne was to extend our knowledge of the early art and archaeology of Corinth, and in this respect his expectations of the site were brilliantly fulfilled; but the use that has been made of the evidence uncovered at the Heraeum has been much more wide-ranging. Payne himself (Perachora i. 21 f.) believed that although the sanctuary was situated in Corinthian territory the Argives played a central role in the foundation of its cult. Dunbabin (JHS lxviii (1948) 59 ff.) followed Payne in this conclusion and was thus led to reconsider the question of the foundation of Dorian Corinth; relying heavily on the supposedly Argive character of many of the finds from the Heraeum, he concluded that the city of Corinth itself was founded by Argives. Hammond, however, went further (BSA xlix (1954) 93 ff.). He argued, partly from the cult history of the sanctuary itself, and partly from indications in the literary sources, that the Heraeum was not Corinthian at all during the first years of its life, but Megarian; and that after a period of uncertainty in the late eighth century, when sometimes Corinth and sometimes Megara controlled the site, it finally became a Corinthian possession and the Megarians were never again able to make good their claim to the territory.

Pottery from Sparta and Amyclae dating to the tenth and ninth centuries BC is discussed, the label ‘Dark Age’ rather than ‘Protogeometric’ being used because it belongs to a western Greek Koine which differs slightly from pottery traditionally considered protogeometric. All diagnostic pieces from the major collections are considered, and those important for providing evidence on shape or decoration are catalogued. Clay and shapes are described, together with decoration.

Italy, like several other areas of prehistoric Europe, enjoyed a flourishing ‘Copper Age’— a period when objects of copper but not of bronze were in use, although not plentifully, and when various other changes in custom and material culture occurred, including transformations in the conventions of burial. These changes, like many in European prehistory, are often explained in terms of the ‘diffusion’ of ‘cultural influences’ from more advanced areas, notably the Aegean, or by the arrival of new groups of people from that region who would, it is sometimes thought, have set up ‘colonies’.

IG I2 80 +; Paton, The Erechtheum (1927), 449–450; Wade-Gery, JHS LI (1931), 82; Ferguson, Treasurers of Athena 176; Dinsmoor, AJA XXXVI (1932), 312; Deubner, Attische Feste 19; SEG X 28; Raubitschek, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis 323.

The editio minor publication of this decree curiously failed to take into account Wilhelm's discussion of its epigraphical problems. The facts were correctly stated by him. Fragment b has its left margin preserved, and since the width of the stone can be determined from fairly certain restorations in fragment a, considerably more sense can be made out of the third part, the πάτρια of the Praxiergidai, than either Ziehen or Hiller attempted.

EM 6629; three fragments of Pentelic marble with back preserved. Fragment a has its top preserved, fragment b its left edge, fragment c its right edge. Original thickness 0·065 m., but the back slopes to each edge. Parts I and II are cut with a horizontal chequer of 0·0106 and a vertical chequer of 0·0104 with chisels measuring 9, 7·5, 6, and 4 mm. Part III is cut with a horizontal chequer of 0·0129 and a vertical chequer of 0·0126 with chisels measuring 11, 9, 7·5, and 4 mm.

A pulse from Late Minoan Knossos, Crete, is identified as cf. Lathyrus ochrus (L.) DC. L. ochrus is grown today, for food or fodder, on the islands of Karpathos and Evvia (Euboea). This paper underlines the extent of crop diversity in both prehistoric and recent Greek agriculture.

Throughout the history of figure-decorated pottery in Attica the artists also painted flat clay plaques for use as dedications. In addition, for a limited period of a little over a century we find from their workshops similar objects designed specifically for the decoration of tombs: it is with these that this article is concerned, and a catalogue of the surviving examples known to me is appended. All are painted in the black-figure technique and all figure the prothesis, the laying-out of the dead with the accompanying dirge, and many also the assembling of guests and preparation for the procession to the tomb, the ekphora. The plaques themselves have been found in the cemeteries of Athens as well as in outlying villages in Attica, though never in position on a tomb.

Zschietzschmann, in his study of prothesis scenes in Greek art, commented on the fact that these funerary plaques may be divided into those that form part of a series and those complete in themselves, without, however, distinguishing them in his list. We shall see that this division is not a meaningless convenience, for it reflects also their chronology, scale, and ultimate setting. For this reason I have distinguished between the plaque series and the single plaques in the catalogue below, and will deal with each class separately, detailed remarks about individual pieces being reserved for inclusion with their description in the catalogue.

The adoption of hoplite tactics and equipment in nearly all the more important Greek lands can be roughly dated by archaeological evidence to the first half of the seventh century and in certain areas within somewhat narrower limits. The momentous change from the essentially long-range fighting of the eighth century involved a single structural alteration in the round shield slung on a telamon which was in vogue, an alteration designed to make it afford the maximum of protection to troops in close formation so long as they stood firm; in the case of flight it became a mere encumbrance and was fairly likely to be thrown away. The change consisted in the substitution for the single central hand-grip previously in use of a central arm-band of metal (πὁρπαξ), through which the bearer thrust his arm up to the elbow, and a hand-grip (ἀντιλαβἠ), at the end of the horizontal diameter and just within the rim, which he grasped with his left hand.

The nature of 8th century Corinthian contact with sites in Phokis, Ithaka and Epirus is discussed, and archaeological evidence from these areas re-examined. It is suggested that early exchange activity is more complex than has hitherto been recognised, and should be regarded as independent of subsequent colonisation. A change in the pattern of contacts is distinguished from c. 725, and it is argued that Corinthian western trade was redirected in the wake of colonisation. Possible motivation for contact is assessed, and it is suggested that metal, especially copper, may have been the main commodity exchanged. The nature and mechanisms of early exchange are discussed, and their implications for Corinthian state formation outlined. Evidence for Corinthian contacts elsewhere in the gulf region is assessed with particular reference to Achaia.

Although as long ago as 1876 Schliemann's excavations at Mycenae revealed to us the prehistoric civilisation of the Peloponnese, it is only comparatively recently that its pre-Mycenaean culture has become known. For Crete the epoch-making excavations of Sir Arthur Evans have made clear to us the long pottery sequence which illustrates the development of prehistoric civilisation in that island from the end of neolithic times, through the great age of the palace of Knossos, to its decline and fall in the Third Late Minoan period. For the Cyclades the pottery sequence from Phylakopi, with other finds, provides us with a series parallel to the Cretan; and for Thessaly, too, a provisional series has been established. But for the history of civilisation in the Peloponnese and East-Central Greece during the long prehistoric age the only evidence we had was that from Mycenae, Tiryns, and one or two other small sites, all of which illustrate the last phases only.