Social interactions within a region may reduce the risk of resource stress by facilitating access to resources in other areas. Archaeological implications of this view of social networks are considered for the part-agricultural inhabitants of central New Mexico during the Pithouse period (ca. A.D. 900—1250). Spatial patterning of climatic variables suggests that social networks at least 50 km in extent and oriented in an east-southeastern direction from the focal site toward the Sierra Blanca region could have provided access to extralocal resources during years of poor local productivity. Similarity of ceramic assemblages (measured by Brainerd—Robinson coefficients) between the focal site and sites in the proposed alternative resource area confirms some degree of social contact during the Pithouse period; dissimilar ceramic assemblages from comparably distant sites to the west (in the Socorro area) indicate that geographic distance alone is not a good predictor of social interactions in this region.

Most Arctic archaeologists believe that the people of the Thule culture, who arrived in the eastern Arctic approximately 1,000 years ago, met people of the Dorset culture and acquired important knowledge from them while replacing them in this region. The most convincing indication for technology transfer comes from the Thule adoption of Dorset harpoon-head styles. However, a review of radiocarbon dates, artifact styles, and site data reveals no conclusive evidence for face-to-face contact between the people of these two cultures. Given evidence that the Thule actively salvaged harpoon heads and carvings from abandoned Dorset sites, I contend that salvage was the sole means of contact between these cultures and the means by which harpoon-head technology was transferred. This example points out the importance of salvage as a mode of culture contact and the weakness of studies that interpret changes in material culture solely in a culture-historical context.

In this autobiographical sketch, George Irving Quimby recounts his long and happy career based on recollections of personal and academic experiences and the insights they have provided. In addition, Quimby’s career can be situated within the development of American archaeology, thus providing a contribution to the historical record of the discipline.

The belief that the bow and arrow replaced the spear and/or dart as hunting weapons in eastern North America between 1500 and 1200 B.P. is tested using a classification function that identifies bifaces as either spear/dart or arrow points. Results and their alternative interpretations bear important implications for the timing and nature of the technological transition. Moreover, the economic consequences of the transition are at once subtler and less profound than often supposed. Ethnographic data do not support simple notions of a uniform increase in acquisition efficiency across target species with the adoption of the bow and arrow.

How archaeologists analyze pottery is determined by archaeological theory, sampling considerations, and available analytical techniques. The most damaging impediment to methodological advance is lack of a theory of how patterns of ceramic variation are generated. It is argued herein that Darwinian evolutionary theory (or selectionism) provides a body of concepts capable of explaining patterned variation and specifies measurements to make in testing specific explanatory statements. Most existing analytical procedures (e.g., the "Type-Variety" system) are regarded as aspects of sampling, the role of which is to help reduce some of the bewildering heterogeneity in ceramic collections before attempting to measure evolutionarily significant variation. Technical analysis, often considered the domain of nonarchaeological specialists, actually produces the measurements needed to test explanatory statements made about pottery observed in the archaeological record.

Analogy is fundamentally important to archaeological inquiry, yet archaeologists remain profoundly ambivalent about its use. In this paper I address issues of how we develop and subsequently apply analogical models. Selecting an analogue requires that we have some implicit or explicit sense of its relevance to the case at hand. In the past, archaeologists often assumed that principles of relevance implied extensive similarities between the ethnographic and archaeological contexts and diverted attention away from the need to compare the analogical model with the archaeological context. In the first part of the paper, which is historically oriented, I examine the role that concepts of time (e.g., stone age, traditional, modern) have played in selecting relevant analogues. Fabian's critique of how anthropologists have used time to distance contemporary peoples guides this inquiry. In the remainder of the paper I explore the implications of recent historical-anthropological studies that document tremendous changes that resulted from European contact; this literature challenges archaeologists to develop more critical approaches to the use of so-called traditional societies as analogical models. In the final sections of the paper I explore the need for enhanced source-side criticism in developing relevant analogues, and advocate a comparative approach to the application of analogical models.

The organization of hunter—gatherer lithic technology is examined as a dynamic process, with reference to a case study from the Late Prehistoric period of the Texas central Gulf Coast. Several lithic data sets from sites of the Rockport phase (ca. A.D. 1200—1700) indicate that three modes of behavior operated to maintain technological efficiency, and that each was adopted in response to inefficiency thresholds associated with increasing, distance-related costs in the procurement and transport of lithic material. In combination with information on the settlement and subsistence patterns, it is apparent that the organization of lithic technology was adjusted to the more basic needs for biotic-resource procurement. As a result, lithic efficiency was not a constant, but fluctuated within a dynamic cultural subsystem that articulated with the scheduling demands of overall adaptive behavior.

In an effort to understand the relative advantages and drawbacks of the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and number of identifiable specimens (NISP) for quantifying body-part representation in faunas from archaeological sites, we analyzed relations among NISP, MNI, fragmentation, and bulk density in the fauna from Ngamuriak, a Kenyan pastoral Neolithic site. Our findings suggest that MNI is at least as sensitive as NISP to effects of fragmentation. While MNI decreases with increasing fragmentation, NISP moves in two directions with fragmentation, increasing at low levels of fragmentation and decreasing at high levels of fragmentation. In addition, MNI appears more sensitive than NISP to the relative identifiability of different body parts. We believe MNI may be a less representative descriptor of relative element frequency than NISP in highly fragmented assemblages.

Excavations at Modoc Rock Shelter, Illinois (11R5), between 1952 and 1956 documented the antiquity and cultural sequence of the Archaic period in the midcontinental United States. Some researchers questioned the site's stratigraphic integrity because of apparent inconsistencies between the radiocarbon assays and associated artifacts. Excavations in 1980, 1984, and 1987 documented stratigraphic sequences and produced assays of over 40 additional radiocarbon samples from controlled stratigraphic contexts. This report describes the stratigraphic sequences at Modoc Rock Shelter and presents critical evaluations of the radiocarbon assays. This information is used to summarize the depositional and occupational history of the site. Two related stratigraphic sequences are present, one in the Main Shelter and a separate, physically uncorrelated sequence in the West Shelter. Each sequence includes occupations dating to the Early, Middle, and Late Archaic periods, with age ranges between 9000 and 4000 B.P. Questions about the site's stratigraphic integrity, artifact sequences, and analytical procedures are resolved.

An acid-extraction method for analyzing the composition of ceramics produces highly precise results capable of intraregional discrimination of production loci. The method is safe, inexpensive, minimally destructive, and uses widely available instrumentation. It produces results that are highly useful in archaeological interpretation as illustrated by selected case studies.

The scarlet macaw (Ara macao) was an important prehistoric trade item in northern Mexico and southwestern United States. Paquimé (or Casas Grandes) in northwestern Chihuahua has been assumed to have dominated or even monopolized the macaw trade. This conclusion is a result of the fact that Paquimé is the only site with evidence of substantial macaw-breeding facilities. Two recent archaeological projects in Chihuahua indicate that macaw production was not limited to Casas Grandes. Furthermore, the political relations of production for these ritually and economically important birds differed depending on whether or not the producers were part of the complex polity centered at Casas Grandes.

Archaeologists often use measurements of standardization in ceramics as evidence for specialized craft production. Analysis of fine-ware bowl kiln wasters from the urban center of Leilan, Syria (ca. 2300 B.C.) provides a rare opportunity to test the standardization hypothesis against the archaeological record of a single production event. Scanning-electron microscopy, xeroradiography, neutron activation, and metric analyses of the wasters show extreme uniformity in manufacturing technology, chemical composition, and vessel dimensions. However, when contrasted with sherds of the same bowl type from other contexts at Leilan, a higher degree of compositional and metric variability is observed. This "cumulative blurring" effect stems from the use of long-lived types from multiple workshops. Although "cumulative blurring" increases sample variability, it does not obscure the overall homogeneity of these ceramics. Our results suggest that standardization can be a reliable index of craft specialization only under conditions of close spatial and chronological control over the archaeological record.

Recent discussions of the relation between sample size and assemblage richness suggest that researchers should control for that relation before behavioral interpretations of richness levels can proceed. We suggest that such automatic decisions should be avoided because a strong correlation between sample size and richness alone is not sufficient evidence for dismissing behavioral factors as the primary causes of the variation in richness. Instead, we must first explore the causes of the observed variation in sample size and the relation of those causes to our research questions.