The chapter discusses how questions of time and temporality shape and challenge global history, as well as historical studies in general. I take my cue from the specific temporality of global history itself and its role in defining the identity of the field. I move on to show, firstly, why time can be understood as history’s ‘last fetish’, as Chris Lorenz has phrased it, and how this makes itself known among global historians. In a second step, politics of periodisation are analysed as a particular challenge for de-centring history. Here, the recent debate about the ‘Global Middle Ages’ and the longer history of the global proliferation of the ‘medieval’ serve as an example. Finally, I turn to the question of synchronisation and contemporaneity, which presents both a promise and a problem for global historians.

Summarizes the industrial policies of the US from 1940 to 1973, the so-called golden age of American capitalism, with globally dominant industries and broadly shared prosperity.

The Supreme Court justices, as we have seen, have already shown some inclination toward constitutional symmetry. The Court’s overall output suggests an interest in visibly distributing wins and losses across partisan and ideological divides; its reasoning in some cases, and especially in some dissents, has invoked an imperative of symmetry more or less explicitly; and several narrow decisions reaching unexpected results suggest a self-conscious effort to maintain a public reputation for apolitical fidelity to law. This impulse, however, has remained inchoate and untheorized. As a result, the effort has appeared cynical and sporadic rather than principled and consistent. To fulfill its full potential as a stabilizing approach to constitutional law in our divided republic, judges and justices must embrace an ethic of symmetric interpretation more self-consciously and with greater consistency.

This chapter examines the conditions for revolution, its premises and accelerators, and its unravelling. Between 1959 and 1961, Rwanda made the transition from a Tutsi-dominated monarchy to a Hutu-dominated republic, creating the conditions for the armed return of the Tutsi exiles discussed in Chapter 6.

Supersymmetry is defined as a Bose–Fermi symmetry. Spinors are defined in general dimensions. The Wess–Zumino model is defined first in two dimensions on-shell, where the invariance of the action is proven using Majorana spinor identities. The susy algebra is defined, and using Fierz identities, one proves the closure of the algebra and resulting off-shell susy. Then, the four-dimensional free off-shell Wess–Zumino model is defined as a simple generalization.

Increasing pressure to return to work coupled with increasing feelings of inadequacy. Reached rock bottom, and was persuaded to start lithium, and after all this time, started to slowly improve.

Looking backward, we will document the communication successes of the Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee, and highlight where things could have been better. Turning to the future, we shall build on this last 25 years and try to suggest the ways communication needs to evolve further.

Sex differences in lifespan have been labelled as one of the most robust features in biology. In human populations, women live consistently longer than men, a pattern that encompasses most mammalian species. However, when expanding both the taxonomic scope beyond mammals and the range of mortality metrics the female survival advantage over males is no longer the rule. Moreover, current evidence suggests that sex differences in actuarial ageing parameters (i.e. age at the onset of ageing and rate of ageing) are far from consistent across the tree of life. This chapter first reviews current knowledge of sex differences in mortality patterns across animals and appraises how these diverse patterns can be explained by the current evolutionary framework. It then emphasizes the relevance of going beyond the differences in mortality patterns by exploring how natural and sexual selection have shaped age- and sex-specific changes in reproductive performance and body mass across the tree of life, and by identifying some possible biological pathways modulating ageing in a sex-specific way. Finally, it highlights how evolutionary theories can be relevant to understand the widespread differences in causes of death between sexes, offering a complementary approach to gain a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of sex differences in health and ageing, with likely biomedical implications.

This chapter examines the interrelationship between “a market’s materialities and practices” (Geiger and Gross, 2018) by offering an account of how a particular source of energy – wooden biomass – became a perferred energy resource in the Danish energy system. This chapter examines how biomass is qualified, i.e., identified, measured, framed, and, thereby, known. However, the materiality of forests and wooden biomass affords multiple understandings depending on the epistemic equipment – theories, models, and measurements – used. This introduces an epistemic uncertainty in how biomass can be known, providing opportunities for expression and enactment of interests, making policymaking more complex and more contentious. Our analysis highlights the antagonism and power struggles involved in the dynamics of market framing. The chapter concludes with a discussion on how the material ‘unruliness’ of biomass calls for complex accounting methods, leaving biomass incumbents much maneuver room and jeopardizing Denmark’s reputation as ‘a frontrunner’ in energy transition. The chapter contributes to Market Studies research by demonstrating the dual role of materiality in shaping (concrete, situated) interests and valuations while simultaneouly also affecting conditions for future maneuvering/actions. Further, the analysis brings out the politics of valuation.

Overview

This chapter addresses three primary concerns. First, what kind of political settlement is operating in the newly formed state of Chhattisgarh. Second, what has been the impact of (class) interest on the state apparatus with respect to agricultural policies. Third, in the era of liberalisation, has the market's free play caused a retreat of the state from the sector of agriculture? Additionally, with regard to the consequences of prevailing agricultural policies, if the existing three proprietary classes have transformed themselves, remained unaffected, or have been replaced by new classes since the formation of the state. Land acquisition policy and the political economy around it have been addressed as well. Simultaneously, the implications of these policies on the different fractions of rich farmers and their means of accumulation alongside the other two dominant proprietary classes – industrial capitalist and petty bourgeoisie – have been developed.

Chhattisgarh was created under the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000. Its creation was more a decision of the national political parties than having been driven by the struggle for regional autonomy under the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha (Berthet and Kumar, 2011; Tillin, 2013). The popular story is that the high proportion of tribal (adivasi) population, who had a claim to a separate state, was the basis for the formation of the state. The new state would make things favourable for the tribal population, who would then be able to assert themselves more in the new political entity; this would turn development in their favour. However, arguably, this was not the only reason for the new state formation. The concentration of natural resources fostered the need to make the region into a political entity, so as to facilitate smoother economic access to the resources (Berthet and Kumar, 2011). The state has registered high incidence of food insecurity and low human development. What really has happened since to the political economy unfolds in the following sections.

Geographically, Chhattisgarh is divided into hills in the north and south and plains in the centre. The total population of the state is 26 million (approx.) as per the 2011 census. Scheduled Tribes, who form one-third of the population, inhabit the hills. The Scheduled Castes (11.61 per cent) and other communities, including the Other Backward Classes, form the remaining 55 per cent of the population and live in the central plains.