This article presents and analyzes a newly discovered petroglyph from Tetzcotzinco (mun. Texcoco, Mexico) in the form of arranged pecked dots. Based on what is known about Mesoamerican divinatory systems, calendars, and the perception of space, the interpretation takes into account both the encoded numerical values and the layout of the dots. The main argument is that this and similar representations’ function was not limited to simple counting of days or serving as a kind of astronomical marker, in which the arms of the cross indicated, for example, equinoxes, which is by far their most common interpretation in academic literature. Instead, it represented calendrical cycles through the numbers, as suggested by some scholars. Based on this hypothesis, the article explores the possible connection between numbers registered in Tetzcotzinco's “pecked cross” and specific diagrams from indigenous divinatory books. Therefore, the plausible interpretation of the symbolism of this petroglyph is that it either expressed a series of meanings related to the agrarian period(s) and rain god(s) or less-known Mesoamerican calendrical cycles, such as half trecenas or seven- and nine-day periods.

This article presents the results of a preliminary bioarchaeological study of 10 funerary urns containing human burned remains from the Los Tamarindos urn-field cemetery dated to the Postclassic period. I was able to determine the basic biological profile data. In addition, I determined the fragmentation rate as well as the thermal alternation of bones from funerary urns from Los Tamarindos, which allowed me to propose the first observations about the Pretarascan cremation burial practices in this region. The low weight of bones indicates that burials should be determined as partial burials; however, they contain fragments of bones from each anatomical region. The structure of the bones and the chromatic discoloration caused by the thermal alternation indicate that temperature during the cremation did not exceed 900°C, given that the cremains did not exhibit the recrystallization structure, which is interpreted as a characteristic feature of the high maximum temperature of a funerary pyre during the cremation.

Recent research conducted in northern Michoacan, west Mexico, has yielded significant new datasets that can be used to reconsider the occupation of this region in the Postclassic period (a.d. 900–1541), prior to and during the rise of the Tarascan state. LiDAR data, in particular, has facilitated reassessment of the archaeological record and its implications concerning the population and social dynamics of this region. In this article, I combine data collected through traditional field-based research with LiDAR-derived data to reassess the population aggregation that occurred during a.d. 1250–1450 in the Zacapu Basin, resulting in the formation of a large urban system. Compared to prior population estimates and interpretations regarding the urban structure of the Zacapu Malpaís sites, the integration of these datasets enables both an increased scale of analysis and finer resolution, thus providing a clearer picture of one of the earliest episodes of urbanization in west Mexico.

Las escenas de los bajorrelieves del Templo Norte de Chichén Itzá han sido investigadas durante muchas décadas, y los estudiosos han coincidido en que ilustran el ritual de inauguración del nuevo rey o gobernante, quien atraviesa diversos desafíos y ordalías y quien se distingue por portar un turbante de serpiente. En este artículo ampliamos esta idea y argumentamos que la iconografía del Templo Norte muestra rituales particulares que también son descritos en una de las historias del Chilam Balam de Chumayel, que refiere a la entronización del famoso príncipe Hunac Ceel de Mayapán. Además, presentamos datos y consideraciones adicionales que nos llevan a proponer que Chichén Itzá, durante el período Postclásico temprano, tuvo un sistema de gobernanza dual jerarquizado, que más tarde continuó en Mayapán, sobreviviendo a la conquista española en el reino de Petén Itzá.

La adaptación de los mayas postclásicos a las nuevas condiciones de vida surgidas a raíz de la crisis generalizada del final del período Clásico mediante respuestas resilientes se ha convertido en un tema de creciente interés por parte de los investigadores mayistas en las últimas décadas. El estudio de vestigios arqueológicos adscritos al Postclásico puede ayudar a entender por qué ciertas tradiciones fueron abandonadas, mientras que otras han perdurado a lo largo del tiempo, como es el caso de las ceremonias del culto a la lluvia. Ejemplo de ello son los hallazgos de ofrendas y otros vestigios arquitectónicos realizados en Chilonché, un antiguo asentamiento urbano maya fundado en la cuenca del río Mopán (Petén), cuya arquitectura y manifestaciones artísticas son un fiel exponente de la importancia política que tuvo el sitio en su dilatado período de ocupación. Los resultados de esta investigación, que combina los estudios arqueológicos y arquitectónicos con los análisis arqueométricos e iconográficos de las piezas cerámicas exhumadas, permiten afirmar que las ofrendas postclásicas halladas en un palacio de la acrópolis de Chilonché están íntimamente ligadas al acto de verter agua y a la imagen de Chaahk, y por lo tanto a rituales vinculados a la lluvia.

Using textile production in Postclassic Western Mesoamerica as a case study, this article explores how to differentiate low levels of craft production caused by household provisioning from low levels of craft production due to market reliance and regional specialization. I use a sample of 52 excavated site/phase components to establish baselines for the intensity of production and to evaluate whether participation in the market allowed craftspeople in some regions to underproduce textiles relative to local needs. Highland and lowland sites have comparable low frequencies of spindle whorls during the Early Postclassic, which I interpret as characteristic of household self-sufficiency. Whorl frequencies increase above this baseline earlier and to a higher degree in lowland sites than in highland sites. During the Late Postclassic, some regions may have formed pairs of over- and underproduction zones linked by the market. Because of changes in spinning technology, it is not possible to extrapolate the results of this study to earlier time periods. I then present data from Calixtlahuaca as an example of how macroregional data can be used to interpret craft production at a particular site. Textile production at Calixtlahuaca was generally low, but this was more likely a function of a strong dependence on maguey fiber, rather than underproduction caused by a reliance on the market.

The ancient Maya community of Lamanai, Belize, is well known for its span of occupation from the Early Preclassic (before 1630 BC) to the present. Although most centers in the central and southern Maya Lowlands were abandoned during the Terminal Classic period (AD 750–1000), ceramic and stratigraphic evidence at Lamanai has shown continuous occupation from the start of the Early Preclassic to the Spanish Conquest. In this paper, we present the first complete set of radiocarbon dates from this important site, including 19 new accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C dates. We use these dates to build Bayesian models for a Terminal Classic structure and an Early Postclassic structure in the site center. This method assists in the refinement of older, conventional dates and provides key chronological information about the site during this volatile time. Adjustments to the standard, uniform distribution model are made using exponential, long-tail, and trapezoidal distributions to incorporate outlier samples and more accurately portray ceramic phases. Because of changes in construction behavior in the Terminal Classic, it is difficult to acquire primary samples from this period, but there remains enough overlap between dates and ceramic phases to deduce persistent occupation at Lamanai during the transition from Late Classic to Postclassic times.

The Dumbarton Oaks Maya mosaic mask is shown to have included tortoiseshell on an earlobe—remarkable since this is the only demonstrated use of this material in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica. The authors present diagnostic evidence for the presence of tortoiseshell, account for its absence in pre-Hispanic artefacts because of decay, and propose its use (in the mask) as being symbolic of the ocean.

The authors use a social network analysis to map the changing patterns of obsidian supply among the Maya during the period of Classic to Postclassic transition. The quantity of obsidian received from different sources was calculated for 121 sites and the network analysis showed how the relative abundance of material from different sources shifted over time. A shift from inland to coastal supply routes appears to have contributed to the collapse of inland Maya urban centres. The methods employed clearly have a high potential to reveal changing economic networks in cases of major societal transitions elsewhere in the world.

For modern communities, she is the moon goddess and protectress of Maya culture and women; for scholars she is one of a number of deities with different roles in the Postclassic period. Which is the real Ixchel? The author excavates the story of the Maya goddess and her re-invention by myth-makers – including archaeologists.