The Bosniak and Albanian minorities in postcommunist Montenegro have supported and been represented by mainstream Montenegrin parties more than by their ethnic parties. This stands in striking contrast to the situation in neighboring Serbia and North Macedonia where the Bosniak and Albanian minorities vote almost exclusively for their ethnic parties. The Montenegrin case stands out as deviant also when one considers a number of extant explanations, all of which would predict a different outcome. Montenegrin Bosniaks and Albanians constitute two native, sizeable and geographically concentrated minority groups inhabiting a country with an institutional framework and several special electoral arrangements favoring minority parties. Drawing on original data on Bosniak and Albanian legislators elected across 12 parliamentary elections in Montenegro (1990–2023), municipality and country-level parliamentary election results and 12 semi-structured elite interviews, I argue that what explains the deviance in the Montenegrin case is the peculiar nature of Montenegrin identity, specifically the fact that it does not pit the majority against minority, but rather it pits the Montenegrin and Serbian components of the Orthodox majority against each other and in such a context the non-Orthodox minorities become critical political allies of the Montenegrin bloc against the Serbian one.

Montenegro has the highest in-work poverty (IWP) rates among all ex-Yugoslav countries. Although the IWP rate in Montenegro is significantly below the average poverty rate for the entire population, it has increased substantially since 2013. Despite that, IWP is rarely discussed as an important topic in the media or by policymakers, although some policies do target the working population at risk. This article starts with the identification of factors that affect IWP and differences in IWP of specific population groups between Montenegro and selected ex-Yugoslav countries (Slovenia and Serbia). As low earnings and low wages from employment are the main causes of IWP, the article focuses on the analysis of policies that influence income: minimum wage policy, family policy and tax policy and their influence on IWP of specific population groups. We use SILC data to map trends of IWP, while further analysis is based on desk review and expert interviews. We conclude that the approach to IWP in Montenegro requires more integrated policies that should target population groups most exposed to IWP.

Musical creativity is represented through the activity of “creation” in the curricula for music education in both Montenegrin and Slovenian primary schools. Starting from the assumption that this activity is insufficiently realised, a survey of the teaching practice of the specialist music teachers in the two countries was conducted (N = 154). The obtained results show that creative musical activities are moderately represented in teaching practice and that Slovenian teachers achieve programme-defined goals related to the activities through which pupils create their own music to a greater extent. The results also indicate the particular circumstances that, in real school conditions, make it difficult to systematically realise this activity within regular music classes.

This article investigates the determinants of individual support for independence in Montenegro. We outline five theoretically distinct groups of factors covered by the literature and evaluate their impact on individual preference for independence. Using observational data obtained from a nationally representative survey conducted in Montenegro in 2003–2004, we find support for several hypotheses, showing that identity, income, and partisanship significantly impact individual opinion about independence. We also investigate and discuss the relative effect size of different factors associated with preference for independence. Additionally, we test variables with hitherto unexplored implications for opinions on independence, including the impact of support for EU membership, as well as support for democratic principles. Our logistic regression analyses reveal that attitudes towards EU integration and minority rights are strongly associated with support for independence. By systematically analyzing existing and new hypotheses with data from an understudied case, our findings contribute to the nascent literature on individual preferences for independence.

This article examines the role of ethnicity and ethnic parties as stabilizing factors in Southeast European party systems. It compares two ethnically divided countries in Southeast Europe: Bosnia and Herzegovina, where ethnic identities that form the political cleavage are firm, and Montenegro, where they are malleable. Theoretically, it addresses the debate between scholars who either find stability or instability in East European post-communist party systems. The article traces the role of ethnicity in the formation and development of electoral contests and compares the two cases by utilizing measures of block volatility, based on analysis of official electoral data. We argue that party systems in ethnically diverse countries are stable at the subsystems level, but unstable within them. In BiH, firm ethnic identity stabilizes the party system by limiting competition between blocks, leading to closure. Malleable ethnic identity in Montenegro opens competition to non-ethnic parties seeking to bridge ethnic divisions, leading to more instability. We find that party system dynamics in ethnically divided new democracies depend on identity rigidity and cleavage salience, in addition to levels of heterogeneity.

Why do some post-communist countries regularly experience democratic overturn of power while others do not? This article analyzes the role of authoritarianism, adopting a novel approach concentrating on three separate dimensions (authoritarian submission, conventionalism, authoritarian aggression). Examining Montenegro, a country that has not changed its incumbent government since the breakdown of communism, the article argues that authoritarian submission, which stands for an obedient relationship to a political authority, is a relevant factor for the domination of a single party—the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS). I test my assumptions using two surveys: the Montenegrin National Elections Study (2016) and a self-designed student survey. Notwithstanding the Montenegrin and Serb ethnic cleavage and economic preferences that remain significant for voting patterns, findings from both analyses confirm that submissive tendencies are important for voting behavior both for the national sample and for the educated young. This emphasizes the importance of psychological factors and the need to break submissive mindsets for successful democratic transformation in post-communist countries.

This article presents a summary of new evidence for the Mesolithic in the Dinaric Alps of Montenegro. The region is one of the best areas in south-eastern Europe to study Early Holocene foragers and the nature of the transition to Neolithic lifeways at the end of the seventh and the beginning of the sixth millennium cal bc thanks to the existence of biodiverse landscapes and numerous karstic features. We argue that harpoons found at two different sites in this regional context represent a curated technology that has its roots in a local Mesolithic cultural tradition. The continued use of this standardized hunting tool kit in the Neolithic provides an important indication about the character of the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition. We also use this regional case study to address wider questions concerning the visibility and modes of Mesolithic occupation in south-eastern Europe as a whole.

Hydroxyl-bastnaesite-(Nd), the Nd- and OH-dominant new member of the bastnaesite group, has been found in the red karstic bauxites near Nikšić, Montenegro. It occurs as whitish, irregular aggregates of crystals usually 100–200 µm in diameter. Hexagonal with the cell dimensions a = 7.191 and c = 9.921 Å, with Z = 6. The strongest lines of the X-ray powder diffraction pattern (d, I, hkl) are: 4.95 80(002); 3.596 79(110); 2.911 100(112); 2.077 29(300); 2.042 51(114); 1.914 30(302). The mineral is uniaxial positive, ω 1.715, ɛ 1.81; Dcalc 4.89 g/cm3.

Electron probe analysis, using garnet, apatite and synthetic glass standards, combined with thermogravimetric and evolved gas analysis, gave Y2O3 0.2, La2O3 27.1, Ce2O3 0.3, Pr2O3 8.5, Nd2O3 31.5, Sm2O3 4.4, Eu2O3 1.3, Gd2O3 1.4, CaO 0.3, F 3.3, H2O 2.26, CO2 20.63, sum 101.19, less O = F 1.39, total 99.80%. This analysis calculates to (Nd0.41La0.36Pr0.11Sm0.06Gd0.02 Eu0.02Ca0.01)Σ0.99(CO3)1.03[(OH)0.55F0.38]Σ0.93, or ideally, (Nd,La)CO3(OH,F), with Nd > La and OH > F.

After examination of 44 populations of Attheyella (Brehmiella) wulmeri (Kerhervé, 1914) (Copepoda : Harpacticoida) from Montenegro (SE Europe), its taxonomic status is revised. Three new synonyms of this species are established : A. (B.) osmana Kiefer, 1955, A. (B.) naphtalica Por, 1983, and A. (B.) paranaphtalica Pesce & Galassi, 1988. Detailed description, map of distribution, as well as a review of all important variable characteristics are presented.

Two species of superfamily Cytheracea from Skadar Valley (Montenegro), are presented in this paper. Leptocythere pseudoproboscidea n.sp., collected in a spring is very close to Leptocythere proboscidea Klie, 1939, an endemic species of the Ohrid Lake. Paralimnocythere karamani (Petkovski, 1960) occurred in two localities : river and spring. Until now, this species was considered endemic in the Ohrid-Prespa region. Its known distribution is non extended westwards and its presence in Skadar Valley confirms exchanges between faunas of Ohrid and Skadar drainage areas.