While previous studies have examined the factors contributing to the appointment of women in government cabinets, few have investigated the role of political leaders in promoting women's cabinet representation. Drawing on political socialization theory, we argue that political leaders from economically disadvantaged backgrounds are more inclined to appoint female members to ministerial positions than their wealthier counterparts. This propensity stems from leaders’ personal experiences of economic hardship, which foster their interest in improving political equality among social groups and reducing gender disparities by appointing more female ministers. Analyzing an original dataset encompassing leaders’ family backgrounds across 155 countries between 1966 and 2015, we find that leaders who have experienced economic hardship significantly increase the proportion of female ministers in executive cabinets. This finding holds across various model specifications and effectively addresses endogeneity concerns. Our research highlights the crucial role of political leaders in shaping gender politics based on their economic backgrounds.

There is a lack of comparative and quantitative research on how poverty manifests itself in the economic wellbeing of older people across European countries. In this study, we focus in on two central dimensions of economic wellbeing: the ability to pay for usual expenses and unexpected expenses. Our aim is to find out how often older people living at risk of poverty experience hardship on these dimensions, how these dimensions overlap, and whether the incidence of hardship differs between the poor and the non-poor. The study is based on the cross-sectional component of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2018 survey, involving 29 countries and 148,432 respondents aged 65+ years. The analysis builds on both descriptive statistics and multinomial logistic regression, which takes into account differences in household characteristics between the poor and the non-poor. The results reveal that for the poor, meeting unexpected expenses is a more common problem than meeting usual expenses, although they typically experience hardship on both dimensions. Hardship among the poor is more frequent in Central Eastern and some Southern European countries, while poor people living in Continental and Nordic countries tend to fare better, even though relatively large numbers in these countries lack cash margin. The non-poor do also experience hardship, but to a lesser extent. The poor experience combined hardship relatively often in Continental European countries. Based on the results, we conclude that studies should pay closer attention to the different dimensions of economic wellbeing in old age.

Economic sanctions have inflicted various economic difficulties on Iranian families. The extent to which these sanctions-induced calamities have affected Iranian older adults’ material well-being remains unknown. Meanwhile, inadequate institutional support for the disadvantaged older population may worsen their precarious economic well-being. We use household-level surveys and quantile regression analysis to explore changes in Iranian older persons’ material well-being during the sanctions era. We also examine whether Iran’s pension system has alleviated the adverse effects of economic sanctions. Our investigation indicates that older adults’ material well-being decreases during sanctions. However, those without pension coverage are economically more vulnerable compared with pensioners. Among the non-pensioners, low-income and low-consumption ones are susceptible to relatively more considerable material well-being losses. To protect these vulnerable groups, policymakers should implement appropriate policy interventions, such as expansions in non-contributory anti-poverty schemes.

To assess the determinants of hunger among food pantry users, the present study used a cross-sectional survey that included a modified Household Hunger Scale to quantify hunger. Mixed-effects logistic regression models were used to assess the relationship between hunger categories and various household socio-demographic and economic characteristics, such as age, race, household size, marital status and experience of any economic hardship. The survey was administered to food pantry users from June 2018 to August 2018 at various food pantries across Eastern Massachusetts with 611 food pantry users completing the questionnaire at any of the 10 food pantry sites. One-fifth (20⋅13 %) of food pantry users experienced moderate hunger and 19⋅14 % experienced severe hunger. Food pantry users who were single, divorced or separated; had less than a high school education; working part-time, unemployed or retired; or, who earned incomes less than $1000 per month were most likely to experience severe or moderate hunger. Pantry users who experienced any economic hardship had 4⋅78 the adjusted odds of severe hunger (95 % CI 2⋅49, 9⋅19), which was much larger than the odds of moderate hunger (AOR 1⋅95; 95 % CI 1⋅10, 3⋅48). Younger age and participation in WIC (AOR 0⋅20; 95 % CI 0⋅05–0⋅78) and SNAP (AOR 0⋅53; 95 % CI 0⋅32–0⋅88) were protective against severe hunger. The present study illustrates factors affecting hunger in food pantry users, which can help inform public health programmes and policies for people in need of additional resources. This is essential particularly in times of increasing economic hardships recently exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The economic hardship of dairy producers has worsened in the last decade because of increasing costs of production. A field survey with 51 dairy farmers was conducted to explore strategies to mitigate economic hardship. Factor and cluster analyses were conducted to characterize the farmers and their farms. Differences among groups regarding changes adopted to increase incomes, to reduce costs, and to pay bills were tested using Fisher’s exact test. Four factors explained 76.2% of the cumulative variance and four groups were identified: “stagnant farms” were in group 1, with the lowest daily income over concentrate feed cost (DIOCFC) and the least number of changes, “effectively management farms” were in group 2, with the highest DIOCFC and the highest number of income-increasing changes, the “cost reducing farms” were in group 3, with the smallest in size with a focus on cutting cost, and the “mixed strategy farms” were in group 4, with the largest herd size. Most prevalent income-increasing strategies included attempts to improve cow nutritional balance and milk composition, whereas the most prevalent cost-reducing strategies included reductions in input purchases of inputs (concentrates and fertilizers) and selected household expenses. Selling cows was a common strategy to generate cash in acute hardship situations. In conclusion, responses to economic hardship varied substantially among groups of farms, cost-reducing strategies were linked to lower cow productivity and lower technological levels, but income-increasing strategies were linked to higher cow productivity and higher DIOCFC. Our findings may contribute to the design of extension initiatives to promote useful strategies to help mitigate economic hardship on dairy farms.

Recognizing democratic backsliding and increasing support for authoritarianism, research on public preferences for democracy and its authoritarian alternatives has gained traction. Moving beyond the extant focus on economic determinants, our analysis examines the effect of national identity, demonstrating that it is a double-edged sword for regime preferences. Using recent European Values Survey data on 24 European countries from 2017 to 2018, we show that civic national identity is associated with a higher support for democracy and lower support for authoritarian regimes, whereas the reverse holds for ethnic identities. Further, economic hardship moderates these relationships: it strengthens both the negative effect of ethnic national identities and, to some extent, the positive effect of civic national identities on democracy support vis-à-vis authoritarian alternatives. This has important implications for the survival of democracy in times of crises and the study of a cultural backlash, since social identity matters substantively for individuals’ responses to economic hardship.

Increasingly, the construct of resilience has been used by social scientists and (social) policy makers in relation to individual resilience to economic hardship. There are a number of issues within the literature on the subject that are unresolved including: whether it is an attribute or a process; the extent to which resilience is a positive phenomenon; the extent to which individuals living in economic hardship have agency; and whether it is finite. The article unpacks these issues, drawing on qualitative data from a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland. It found resilience to be a negative experience for study participants, although they did exhibit a number of attributes that may be described as being positive. They were often unable to exercise ‘positive’, transformative agency, because the choices available were limited and pernicious in nature. The article concludes that as an analytical tool for exploring the experiences of people living in economic hardship, the construct of resilience is not helpful.

Drawing on a growing cross-national literature on the social impact of economic crises, this paper investigates the social structuring of economic hardship among urban households in Turkey following the 2001 economic crisis. My goal is to compare the Turkish crisis to other recent crises, particularly in Latin America and Asia, and to assess competing claims about the vulnerability of different social groups. Using data from the study entitled Turkish Family Life under Siege—a nationally representative sample of urban households of work-aged married couples—the results paint a picture of widespread social devastation as measured by key labor market outcomes: job loss, unemployment duration, earnings instability, and under-employment. The findings suggest that existing patterns of social inequality related to class and status—education, age, ethnicity, and occupation—were reinforced and exacerbated by the 2001 macro-economic crisis. In contrast to claims that the impact was skewed towards higher socio-economic groups, the brunt of the 2001 crisis was felt by disadvantaged social groups with few assets to buffer economic hardship. Economic hardship was higher among labor force participants who are younger, less educated, male, Kurdish-speakers, private-sector employees, and residents of non-central regions. I discuss the implications with respect to the previous research on economic crises, the role of Turkish contextual factors, and the need for social policy reform, particularly in the context of the current global economic crisis.