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Chapter 1 provides an overview of screen time concerns reported in the media and research, with consideration of relevant learning and interaction theories which indicate that face-to-face social interaction, talk and play are essential for the linguistic and cognitive development of children. This chapter also revisits the fundamental multimodality of face-to-face interaction. The shift from face-to-face to online multimodal interaction therefore requires users to make complex linguistic and interactional adaptations to be able to achieve understanding and affiliation with interlocutors in online contexts, as occurred with the advent of the telephone. This is especially true of the most common form of online interaction, text chat, which is a unique hybrid form of social written interaction, with its own specific affordances and constraints for children’s social and linguistic development. This chapter presents key interactional differences between face-to-face and written online interaction, based on conversational resources available (or unavailable) to users in either setting, including videogame settings. This discussion provides a necessary basis for investigation of children’s written interaction in subsequent chapters.
Prenatal glucocorticoid exposure has been negatively associated with infant neurocognitive outcomes. However, questions about developmental timing effects across gestation remain. Participants were 253 mother-child dyads who participated in a prospective cohort study recruited in the first trimester of pregnancy. Diurnal cortisol was measured in maternal saliva samples collected across a single day within each trimester of pregnancy. Children (49.8% female) completed the Bayley Mental Development Scales, Third Edition at 6, 12, and 24 months and completed three observational executive function tasks at 24 months. Structural equation models adjusting for sociodemographic covariates were used to test study hypotheses. There was significant evidence for timing sensitivity. First-trimester diurnal cortisol (area under the curve) was negatively associated with cognitive and language development at 12 months and poorer inhibition at 24 months. Second-trimester cortisol exposure was negatively associated with language scores at 24 months. Third-trimester cortisol positively predicted performance in shifting between task rules (set shifting) at 24 months. Associations were not reliably moderated by child sex. Findings suggest that neurocognitive development is sensitive to prenatal glucocorticoid exposure as early as the first trimester and underscore the importance of assessing developmental timing in research on prenatal exposures for child health outcomes.
In the human mind, what is a social relationship, and what are the developmental origins of this representation? I consider findings from infant psychology and propose that our representations of social relationships are intuitive theories built on core knowledge. I propose three central components of this intuitive theory. The purpose of the first component is to recognize whether a relationship exists, the purpose of the second is to characterize the relationship by categorizing it into a model and to compute its strength (i.e., intensity, pull, or thickness), and the purpose of the third is to understand how to change relationships through explicit or implicit communication. I propose that infants possess core knowledge on which this intuitive theory is built. This paper focuses on the second component and considers evidence that infants characterize relationships. Following Relational Models Theory (A. P. Fiske, 1992, 2004) I propose that from infancy humans recognize relationships that belong to three models: communal sharing (where people are ‘one’), authority ranking (where people are ranked), and equality matching (where people are separate, but evenly balanced). I further propose that humans, and potentially infants, recognize a relationship's strength which can be thought of as a continuous representation of obligations (the extent to which certain actions are expected), and commitment (the likelihood that people will continue the relationship). These representations and the assumption that others share them allow us to form, maintain, and change social relationships throughout our lives by informing how we interpret and evaluate the actions of others and plan our own.
Research has shown experimentally that if children are taught to use language to create distance (socially, physically, and temporarily) when they revisit a potentially traumatic experience they reduce the intensity of their emotions. Building on this, this study was carried out to explore whether children with better spatial skills are better at such downregulation because of their very aptitude in understanding the concept of distance. Using data from a general-population birth cohort in the UK, the study examined the bidirectional association between emotional dysregulation and spatial ability among children aged 5 and 7 years. The findings reveal a significant reciprocal relationship even after adjusting for family, contextual, and individual confounders including verbal ability: spatial skills at age 5 years were inversely related to emotional dysregulation at age 7 years, and conversely, greater emotional dysregulation at age 5 years was associated with poorer spatial ability at age 7 years. The two paths were equally strong and there was no evidence of differences between them on the basis of sex. Our results suggest that enhancing spatial abilities could be a potential avenue for supporting emotion regulation in middle childhood.
We present a theory of atypical development based on a developmental theory of the typical mind integrating developmental, cognitive, and psychometric theory and research. The paper comprises three parts. First, it outlines the theory of typical development. The theory postulates central cognitive mechanisms, such as relational integration, executive and inferential processes, and domain-specific processes underlying different environmental relations, such as visuospatial or quantitative relations. Cognitive development advances in cycles satisfying developmental priorities in mastering these systems, such as executive control from 2–6 years, inferential control from 7–11 years, and truth control from 12–18 years. Second, we discuss atypical development, showing how each neurodevelopmental disorder emerges from deficiencies in one or more of the processes comprising the architecture of the mind. Deficiencies in relational integration mechanisms, together with deficiencies in social understanding, yield autism spectrum disorder. Deficiencies in executive processes yield attention-deficit and hyperactivity disorder. Deficiencies in symbolic representation yield specialized learning difficulties, such as dyslexia and dyscalculia. Finally, we discuss clinical and educational implications, suggesting the importance of early diagnosis of malfunctioning in each of these dimensions and specific programs for their remediation.
In ‘Aristotle on the Stages of Cognitive Development’, Thomas Kjeller Johansen examines Aristotle’s contributions to our thinking about concepts from a different perspective, namely in connection to Aristotle’s psychology. He revisits Aristotle’s account of how we acquire universal concepts mainly on the basis of Metaphysics A.1, Posterior Analytics 1.31 and 2.19, and the De Anima. The chapter begins by articulating the following puzzle. On the one hand, Aristotle points out (An. Post. 1.31, 2.19) that we perceive the universal in the particular. On the other, he suggests (Metaph. A.1) that it is only when we have craft and science that we grasp the universal, while perception, memory, and experience all are concerned with the particular. Building on the widespread view that, according to Aristotle, the universal grasped in craft and science is the universal cause, Johansen argues that we should understand perception, memory, and experience teleologically, as stages in the ordering of perceptual information that allows this causal concept to emerge.
Edited by
David Kingdon, University of Southampton,Paul Rowlands, Derbyshire Healthcare NHS foundation Trust,George Stein, Emeritus of the Princess Royal University Hospital
Cultures are an integral part of a person’s life, and they influence an individual’s social and cognitive development. They can contribute to the onset, perpetuation and outcomes of many psychiatric illnesses. These have a major role in defining abnormal behaviours and deviance, but cultures can also heavily influence pathways to care by influencing explanatory models and resources. In addition, culture moulds an individual’s worldview. Cultures are incipient, with institutions of education, employment and training having their own microcultures. Individuals learn to navigate these multiple cultural and micro-identities in order to achieve their aims. The relationship between the culture and prevalence of various psychiatric disorders is complex. In recent times, for political and economic reasons, attitudes towards economic migrants as well as refugees and asylum seekers appear to have become more negative in high-income countries. Hence, it is important to recognise that cultures have relativist characteristics rather than universalist, though some features may be common in designing, developing and delivering services. The role of culture in mental illness is described in this chapter.
Despite having the same underlying genetic etiology, individuals with the same syndromic form of intellectual developmental disability (IDD) show a large degree of interindividual differences in cognition and IQ. Research indicates that up to 80% of the variation in IQ scores among individuals with syndromic IDDs is attributable to nongenetic effects, including social-environmental factors. In this narrative review, we summarize evidence of the influence that factors related to economic stability (focused on due to its prevalence in existing literature) have on IQ in individuals with syndromic IDDs. We also highlight the pathways through which economic stability is hypothesized to impact cognitive development and drive individual differences in IQ among individuals with syndromic IDDs. We also identify broader social-environmental factors (e.g., social determinants of health) that warrant consideration in future research, but that have not yet been explored in syndromic IDDs. We conclude by making recommendations to address the urgent need for further research into other salient factors associated with heterogeneity in IQ. These recommendations ultimately may shape individual- and community-level interventions and may inform systems-level public policy efforts to promote the cognitive development of and improve the lived experiences of individuals with syndromic IDDs.
Maternal prenatal and postnatal psychological distress, including depression and anxiety, may affect children’s cognitive development. However, the findings have been inconsistent. We aimed to use the dataset from the Japan Environment and Children’s Study, a nationwide prospective birth cohort study, to examine this association. We evaluated the relationship between the maternal six-item version of the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K6) scores and cognitive development among children aged 4 years. K6 was administered twice during pregnancy (M-T1; first half of pregnancy, M-T2; second half of pregnancy) and 1 year postpartum (C-1y). Cognitive development was assessed by trained testers, using the Kyoto Scale of Psychological Development 2001. Multiple regression analysis was performed with the group with a K6 score ≤ 4 for both M-T1 and M-T2 and C-1y as a reference. Records from 1,630 boys and 1,657 girls were analyzed. In the group with K6 scores ≥ 5 in both M-T1 and M-T2 and C-1Y groups, boys had significantly lower developmental quotients (DQ) in the language-social developmental (L-S) area (partial regression coefficient: −4.09, 95% confidence interval: −6.88 – −1.31), while girls did not differ significantly in DQ for the L-S area. Among boys and girls, those with K6 scores ≤ 4 at any one or two periods during M-T1, M-T2, or C-1y did not have significantly lower DQ for the L-S area. Persistent maternal psychological distress from the first half of pregnancy to 1 year postpartum had a disadvantageous association with verbal cognitive development in boys, but not in girls aged 4 years.
This introductory chapter delves into the inception of developmental cognitive neuroscience, a field shaped by historical inquiries into brain development, childhood learning, and the nature–nurture debate. We trace the origins of this interdisciplinary endeavor, revealing how it has emerged as a pioneering approach to comprehending human development. In this chapter, we dissect the core components of developmental cognitive neuroscience: development, cognition, and neuroscience. We elucidate their interconnectedness, underpinning theories, and evolving methodologies, spotlighting the transformative impact of recent technological strides. Throughout the book, our emphasis remains on the synthesis of these elements, illustrating their collective role in advancing our comprehension of human development. This chapter establishes the groundwork for an engaging exploration of the intricate interplay between brain maturation, cognitive processes, and the unfolding of human potential.
Chapter 4 discusses various theories of learning that have an impact on how EC professionals can work with young children. Theories about how children (and, indeed, adults) learn science and the factors that affect learning in young children are described. The relationship between everyday concepts and scientific concepts is distinguished. The place of affective factors in children’s learning is also described. Various case studies are presented to highlight aspects of children’s learning.
Maternal anxiety, depression, and stress during and after pregnancy are negatively associated with child cognitive development. However, the contribution of positive maternal experiences, such as social support, to child cognitive development has received less attention. Furthermore, how maternal experience of social support during specific developmental periods impacts child cognitive development is largely unknown.
Methods
Using data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC; n = 5784) and the Prediction and Prevention of Preeclampsia and Intrauterine Growth Restriction study (PREDO; n = 420), we investigated the associations between maternal perceived social support during and after pregnancy and child's general cognitive ability at 8 years of age, assessed with the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC). Bayesian relevant life course modeling was used to investigate timing effects of maternal social support on child cognitive ability.
Results
In both cohorts, higher maternal perceived social support during pregnancy was associated with higher performance on the WISC, independent of sociodemographic factors and concurrent maternal symptoms of depression and anxiety. In ALSPAC, pregnancy emerged as a sensitive period for the effects of perceived social support on child cognitive ability, with a stronger effect of social support during pregnancy than after pregnancy on child cognitive ability.
Conclusions
Our findings, supported from two prospective longitudinal cohorts, suggest a distinct role of maternal perceived social support during pregnancy for cognitive development in children. Our study suggests that interventions aimed at increasing maternal social support during pregnancy may be an important strategy for promoting maternal and child well-being.
Experimental data on the effects of lifestyle interventions on fetal neurodevelopment in humans remain scarce. This study assessed the impact of a pregnancy nutrition+exercise intervention on offspring neurodevelopment at 12 months of age. The Be Healthy in Pregnancy (BHIP) randomized controlled trial (RCT) randomly assigned pregnant persons with stratification by site and body mass index (BMI) to bi-weekly nutrition counselling and high dairy protein diet, walking goal of 10,000 steps/day plus usual prenatal care (UPC; intervention group) or UPC alone (control group). This study examined a subset of these mothers (> 18 years, singleton pregnancy, BMI <40 kg/m2, and enrolled by ≤12 weeks gestation) and their infants (intervention = 42, control = 32), assessing cognition, language, motor, social-emotional, and adaptive functioning at 12 months using the Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development third edition (BSID-III) as the outcome measure. We also examined if maternal factors (prepregnancy BMI, gestational weight gain (GWG)) moderated associations. Expressive language (MD = 9.62, 95% CI = (9.05–10.18), p = 0.03, ƞ2p = 0.07) and general adaptive composite (GAC) scores (MD = 103.97, 95% CI = (100.31–107.63), p = 0.04, ƞ2p = 0.06) were higher in infants of mothers in the intervention group. Effect sizes were medium. However, mean cognitive, receptive language, motor, and social-emotional scale scores did not differ between groups. A structured and monitored nutrition+exercise intervention during pregnancy led to improved expressive language and general adaptive behavior in 12-month-olds, but not cognitive, receptive language, motor, or socioemotional functioning. While these experimental data are promising, further research is needed to determine the clinical utility of nutrition+exercise interventions for optimizing infant neurodevelopment.
This chapter focuses on the role of gender in the development of empathy and prosocial behavior in adolescence. Although it is a commonly held belief and a well-replicated research finding that females report higher empathy and prosocial behavior than do males, much is still unclear about the nature and meaning of this gender difference. After discussing definitions of the constructs, theoretical perspectives on biological, cognitive, and social contributions to gender differences in prosocial development are summarized. Then empirical evidence on gender differences in empathy and in prosocial behavior in adolescence are reviewed, with a particular focus on results of (1) longitudinal studies, (2) studies that take the multidimensionality of empathy and prosocial behavior into account, and (3) multimethod studies. Finally, implications and future directions are discussed.
Where does human knowledge begin? Research on human infants, children, adults, and nonhuman animals, using diverse methods from the cognitive, brain, and computational sciences, provides evidence for six early emerging, domain-specific systems of core knowledge. These automatic, unconscious systems are situated between perceptual systems and systems of explicit concepts and beliefs. They emerge early in infancy, guide children's learning, and function throughout life.
Over a relatively short period of time, critical consciousness (CC) has become a prominent framework for describing how the developing person addresses systems of oppression. However, there has been less work to situate CC within developmental systems theory. The phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory (PVEST) is a developmental systems theory that accounts for how the reality of oppression influences developmental contexts and processes. We draw on PVEST to illuminate new theoretical directions for CC, including: (1) considering the broader context of CC within the developmental system; (2) addressing meaning-making as a primary developmental process that impacts CC; (3) considering CC as embedded in time, and (4) focusing on the dynamic and collective nature of CC. We explore the combined strengths of CC and PVEST to imagine new research questions that explore the contextualized and dynamic ways young people contend with systems of oppression across development.
Edited by
James Law, University of Newcastle upon Tyne,Sheena Reilly, Griffith University, Queensland,Cristina McKean, University of Newcastle upon Tyne
The development of language and cognition is key to human development. Language is an important means to communicate and code information; it is relevant to knowledge and concept acquisition, to memory performance and development, to problem solving, learning and self-regulation. At the same time, language development draws on cognitive and socio-cognitive abilities. Analysing the developmental interrelations between language and cognition is relevant for a better understanding of developmental trajectories in typical development and developmental disorders as well as for the promotion of child development. Contrary to some overarching theories, it is widely documented that developmental profiles can be quite heterogeneous: the developmental tasks the child is facing in the various domains of development, the trajectories, and phenomena are specific to the respective developmental domain or even subdomain. Yet there are significant and dynamic interrelationships between the acquisition of language structures, meanings, and use and various cognitive abilities and their development. This chapter introduces the reader to a variety of dynamic interrelationships between the acquisition of language and various facets of cognitive and sociocognitive development (e.g., information processing, learning and memory; conceptual development; development of metacognition, theory of mind and self-regulation).
This Element describes the main theories that guide contemporary research in cognitive development along with research discoveries in several important cognitive abilities: attention, language, social cognition, memory, metacognition and executive function, and problem solving and reasoning. Biological and social contributions are considered side-by-side, and cultural contributions are highlighted. As children participate in social interactions and learn to use cultural symbols and tools to organize and support their thinking, the behaviors and understandings of the social community and the culture more broadly become an integral part of children's thoughts and actions. Culture, the natural ecological setting or habitat of human beings, plays a significant role by providing support and direction for cognitive development. Without the capacity to learn socially, human cognition would be markedly different from what it is today.
Edited by
Ruth Kircher, Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning, and Fryske Akademy, Netherlands,Lena Zipp, Universität Zürich
Although language attitudes are typically studied among adults, research at the intersection of developmental psychology and sociolinguistics suggests that the capacity to view language as providing social meaning emerges early in development. This chapter provides a developmental overview of research on infants’ and young children’s attention to language and accent as conveying social meaning, and reveals the process by which children begin discriminating languages, forming preferences, and ultimately expressing social attitudes that reflect societal input about linguistic status and stereotypes. Studies of infants rely on non-verbal responses such as looking behaviours. As infants grow into young children, both verbal and non-verbal methods are used to assess children’s preferences, inferences, and attitudes about people who speak in different ways. This chapter introduces different experimental methods that can be used to study infants’ and young children’s language-based social responses, including a discussion of the methods’ strengths and limitations. The chapter addresses key practical issues of planning and research design (e.g. recruitment and sample size) as well as data analysis and interpretation (e.g. how to interpret the meaning of infants’ looking responses). To illustrate these points, the chapter concludes with a case study of American children’s attitudes towards Northern and Southern American English.
This Element addresses the factors that influence children's accuracy in reporting on events and draws implications for children's ability to serve as reliable eyewitnesses. The following topics are covered: short- and long-term memory for event details; memory for stressful events; memory for the temporal order of events; memory for the spatial location of events; the ways poorly worded questions or intervening events interfere with memory; and individual differences in language development, understanding right from wrong and emotions, and cognitive processes. In addition, this Element considers how potential jurors perceive children as eyewitnesses and how the findings of the research on children's event memory inform best practices for interviewing children.