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15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Page 108 of 760

  • Foreword

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp vii-xviii

  • Summary

    U Ye Htut has written a book of a very rare kind. Few accounts of the inside working of a government are available so soon after it has left office. Even fewer, indeed almost none, are written about the working of the government of Myanmar by an author who could be considered an “outside insider”. Ye Htut was not a key figure in the military government which preceded that of President Thein Sein in 2011. Having been an army officer on the cusp of becoming a colonel, he became a civil servant somewhat earlier in his career than many others would eventually become. Within the Thein Sein government he rose quickly, ultimately, in 2013, to the position of presidential spokesperson and then, the following year, minister for information. His talents and skills were clearly needed in Myanmar's transitional regime from military authoritarian to constitutional rule.

    Moreover, Ye Htut's book is not merely his personal observations on the workings of the Thein Sein government from within. He has conducted extensive interviews with others more intimately involved in certain crucial decisions and events than himself, thus adding an additional dimension to his analysis. Many both inside and outside of Myanmar will be unaware of the crucial dynamics at work within the government for which he worked as a civil servant and ultimately as a minister. He was increasingly entrusted with greater responsibilities and increased inside knowledge because of not only his administrative competence but because of the high regard he was and is held as a result of his probity and open-mindedness.

    Ye Htut's background is not unusual for someone of his age and position in Myanmar. Born in Yangon in 1959, his father, U Shwe Than, was a serving army officer and one of the earliest Myanmar graduates of the British Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. Shwe Than saw military service in various parts of Myanmar before being appointed first deputy head and then head of the police by General Ne Win in the 1970s. Subsequently, Ne Win moved Shwe Than to the headship of the country's national shipping company, then known as the Burma Five Star Line. Ye Htut, growing up in a military officer's home, could not be unaware of the intrigues that existed within the army and the army-dominated Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) during his youth.

  • 7 - Shwe Mann's Checkmates

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 123-153

  • Summary

    The greatest impact on the Myanmar Spring was the rivalry between President Thein Sein and the Speaker of the lower house Shwe Mann. On the surface this was seen as a rivalry between the executive and the legislative branches. In reality it was a consequence of Shwe Mann's attempt to control the USDP and to sideline the president. Shwe Mann believed that Thein Sein was of lesser ability than himself and that he had been denied his rightful position of the presidency by Senior General Than Shwe. From the first day, he sought to use the parliament as a tool to impose his policies on the government.1 Six major incidents took place between 2011 and 2016 in which Shwe Mann tried to weaken the president and undermine his power.

    2012–13 Budget

    The first incident was the 2012–13 budget. On 7 February 2012, Shwe Mann delivered a speech as the Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house or people's assembly) at a rare meeting of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union assembly). Unusually, instead of speaking from his seat like other representatives, he mounted the rostrum from which he addressed the joint assembly. Rather astonishingly, Shwe Mann failed to consult with the president or the cabinet in advance of this address, which mainly concerned the government's economic policy.

    The immediate issues Shwe Mann dealt with in detail were the raising of the salaries of civil servants and the suspension of development projects2 carried over from the previous military government. He announced three issues that the Union Parliament should demand the government to comply with. Of these, the following two had an immediate impact on the government.

  • The government should increase civil servants’ salaries in the coming 2012–13 budget.

  • The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw should thoroughly scrutinize government development projects and suspend or reject those thought to be unnecessary.

    • Shwe Mann urged the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw members to consider a resolution based on his suggestions. That was Shwe Mann's political trick. If he had made this proposal in the Pyithu Hluttaw, the resolution would have been nonbinding. However, if the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw adopted such a resolution, the government was bound to implement it and to duly report back to the Hluttaw.

  • 1 - The National Convention

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 5-23

  • Summary

    Senior General Than Shwe and other military leaders established a new political system under the 2008 constitution. The National Convention played an essential role in the drafting process. Although the military State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) organized the National Convention, in 1989, prior to national elections the following year, the Tatmadaw (armed forces) had no intention of drawing up a new constitution.

    After the military took power in 1988, SLORC chairman Senior General Saw Maung explained that the army government would not write a new constitution, and that it was the responsibility of the political parties that won the forthcoming national elections to do so. “The coming Pyithu Hluttaw will write and adopt a new constitution. After its adoption, power will be transferred to the constitutionally formed government”, he explained.

    This position was clearly stated at the SLORC's 43rd press conference on 9 June 1989. The SLORC spokesperson said:

    It has been said that power will be transferred to the government that will come into being in accordance with the law after the elections are held. Power could not be handed over immediately after the elections are held as government will have to be formed on the basis of a constitution. If power will be transferred hastily [without a proper procedure], it would lead to a shaky and weak government; any rational person can understand it. Only if the power is transferred to a government formed systematically on a basis of a constitution, will the government to be constituted be stable. We have two constitutions at present, namely the 1947 constitution and the 1974 constitution. If the Hluttaw members unanimously selected one of the two constitutions and formed a government then, power would be transferred to them. We are ready to transfer power to the government formed in accordance with the constitution. If both the constitutions are not acceptable, a new one should be written. The Tatmadaw will not draw up a new constitution. The SLORC will not do it either. The representatives elected are to draw it.

    Although the SLORC promised to hold an election, it never explained that this election would be held under the previous, 1974 constitution. The 1947 constitution was abolished following the 1962 military coup and eventually replaced by the 1974 constitution. The election held in 1990 was for a single-house parliament as under the 1974 constitution.

  • 3 - The Union Solidarity and Development Party

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 33-45

  • Summary

    The Origin of kyant-kai-yay (Solidarity)

    The word kyant-kai-yay (solidarity) was first introduced into Myanmar politics in 1958 during the reign of the caretaker government (1958–60) led by General Ne Win. The caretaker government formed an organization under the name Pyidaungsu Myanmar Naing-Ngan Kyant-kai-yay Athin (Union of Myanmar Solidarity Association) in October of that year. The association was formed with Khin Maung Phyu as chair, Colonel Kyaw Soe as vice chair, Colonel Than Sein as secretary and up to twenty-five central executive committee (CEC) members, including some secretaries of ministries, senior civil servants and senior army officers. The motto of the association was “regional development through dutifulness and selfreliance”. The association enlarged its CEC to thirty-nine members at its annual conference in 1960, electing Khin Maung Phyu as chair, Brigadier- General Aung Gyi and Paing as vice chairs, Colonel Than Sein as general secretary and San Lwin as treasurer.

    In its charter, the association stated its commitment to work for the perpetuation of sovereignty, the enforcement of social ethics, and the restoration of community peace and the rule of law. The charter also stipulated provisions prohibiting solidarity organizations at all levels from association with any organization participating in or discussing party politics. Although the motto of the solidarity association was regional development, its activities were mainly in line with the endeavours of the caretaker government for ensuring community peace and the rule of law. Because of this, the association met with criticism from political parties, which dubbed it a government stooge.

    By 1962 the solidarity association had grown to include 1,908 township or ward branches and 10,851 village branches, with a total membership of 1,163,537. The flag of the Union of Myanmar Solidarity Association was dark green with a white circle in the centre. Inside the circle was the picture of a leaping lion. Under the lion was an inscription that read “valour”, and above it were two white stars.

    There was speculation that Senior General Than Shwe was influenced by the model of the first solidarity association when in 1993 he established the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). However, a former senior leader of the USDA explained that although the senior general took examples from the name and structure of the original solidarity association, he had much greater ambitions for the USDA.

  • 6 - The Government and the Parliament

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 101-122

  • Summary

    Structure of the Parliament (Hluttaw)

    According to the constitution, there are two houses in the Union (federal, or pyidaungsu) level legislature, the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house or people's assembly) and the Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house or house of nationalities). The Pyithu Hluttaw is elected on the basis of one member for each township. The Amyotha Hluttaw has an equal number of representatives elected from each of the country's fourteen regions and states. Each region and state also has its own parliament.

    The Pyithu Hluttaw has 440 members, 330 of whom are elected from constituencies and 110 appointed by the Tatmadaw (armed forces). The military members are nominated by the commander in chief of the armed forces. The Amyotha Hluttaw has 168 elected members, 12 from each region and state and 56 from the military. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union assembly) is the two hluttaw combined (Pyithu and Amyotha Hluttaw). The term of all hluttaw is five years.

    The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw

    Like their counterparts in other countries, Myanmar's hluttaw are the constitutional legislative bodies. In addition, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw serves as an electoral college. As the president is elected by the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the constitution states that the president shall be responsible to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. This stipulation is in contrast with the basic principles of the Union, which say “The three branches of sovereign power, namely legislative power, executive power and judicial power, are separated to the extent possible, and exert reciprocal control, check and balance among themselves.” This is very similar to section 71 of the previous one-party state constitution (1974), which states that the “State Council [the highest executive, led by the president] is responsible to the Pyithu Hluttaw”.

    There are unique provisions in the Myanmar constitution concerning the functions of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. Nations that practise a bicameral legislative system also have joint sessions of the two houses with responsibilities for specific functions such as a declaration of war or an address by the president or foreign leaders. Myanmar's constitution however assigns many powers to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw as a separate legislative body. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw has its own Speaker and Deputy Speaker who rotate between the lower house and the upper house.

  • 4 - Myanmar Spring and Aung San Suu Kyi

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 46-56

  • Summary

    President Thein Sein delivered his inaugural address at the Pyidaungsu

    Hluttaw (Union assembly) on 30 March 2011. In his address the president

    invited individuals and organizations that had criticized the seven-step road

    map and the constitution to put aside their differences and work together

    in the national interest. He also urged them to take power through elections

    and amend the current constitution in accordance with the provisions in

    it. Moreover, he promised to start a peace process with all ethnic armed

    groups. He also outlined the following reform agenda:

  • To amend laws that were incompatible with the new constitution.

  • To submit bills to establish the fundamental rights of citizens.

  • To raise the salaries of government personnel and the pensions of retired former personnel.

  • To study and compile laws on the rights of farmers and review existing laws before amending them as necessary.

  • To review existing labour laws.

  • To submit a new Public Health Care and Social Security Law.

  • To introduce bills to promote health and education.

  • To revoke the existing press laws and introduce new bills to protect freedom of expression.

  • To promulgate laws on environmental conservation and amend laws on industry and mining.

  • To promulgate new environmental laws.

    • On 31 March the president delivered his first speech to his cabinet and outlined his priorities for the new government. These included:

  • Good governance and a clean government.

  • To promote democratic practices in government and society.

  • The rule of law.

  • Efficiency in government and public services.

    • The president stated that the first five years of the democratization process would be the most important, and if the government and people of Myanmar were able to implement concrete steps, the road to democracy would be smooth. Thein Sein thus set forth his vision of how to build Myanmar as a peaceful, modern and developed democratic state. The terms might be similar to those used by the previous military government, but the president carefully left out the words “disciplined democracy”. His intention was to avoid people seeing his democratic reforms as a form of guided democracy.

  • 2 - The Constitution

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 24-32

  • Summary

    President Thein Sein began his reform agenda under the 2008 constitution. There were two aspects of the 2008 constitution that affected his reform agenda. The first were perceptions of its legitimacy, and the second were articles of the constitution that restrained the president's ability to implement his reform agenda.

    Legitimacy

    Although the military leaders intended to use the 2008 constitution as the main platform for their democratization process, their means of drafting the constitution was questionable. Senior General Than Shwe saw the constitution as a transitional one that could be amended in the future to achieve fully fledged democracy in Myanmar. State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) leaders said that the constitution and coming election were not the end of the democratization process but were just the beginning, and that the constitution would be amended based on the maturity of all stakeholders. Even though most of the stakeholders, including the National League for Democracy (NLD), could accept the 2008 constitution as transitional, there were strong objections to the drafting process. At the National Convention, the decision of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to form eight delegate groups to represent political parties, ethnic minorities and various sectors of Myanmar society was a correct approach for the participatory process. But the government's selection process created opposition, not only from the NLD but also from ethnic parties. Also, the lack of open debate at the convention contributed to the peoples’ mistrust of the constitution. People saw the entire process as highly undemocratic and as manipulated by the Tatmadaw (armed forces) in order to continue military dominance in politics.

    When the National Convention concluded in September 2007, the ruling SPDC formed a Drafting Committee headed by Chief Justice Aung Toe. The committee drafted the constitution based on the basic principles and detailed principles adopted by the National Convention. They began the drafting process on 3 December and finalized a draft on 19 February 2008. Ten days earlier, on 9 February, the SPDC announced that a referendum on the new constitution would be held in May 2008 and that general elections for Union, state and regional hluttaw (legislatures) would be held in 2010.

  • Appendix A - President Thein Sein's Inaugural Address

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 227-238

  • Summary

    Mr. Speaker and representatives of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw

    Allow me to extend my greetings and best wishes for your physical and spiritual well-being.

    I have been elected as the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, accountable to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw and to the Union Government of Myanmar. Accordingly it is my bounden duty to apprise you of the policies, principles and procedures of the newly formed Union Government.

    First and foremost, I myself as well as all representatives have been duly elected by the people and are therefore the people's representatives, and as such it is our duty to honour, abide by and protect the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar which was approved and promulgated with the consent of the majority of the people.

    Since this is our given duty, I would like to urge you that it is imperative for us to be faithful to, and cherish the democratic State that is to be established in accordance with the Constitution, and that we must pledge to sacrifice our life to protect it.

    Esteemed representatives,

    You know that our country was once under imperialist rule for many years but that through the united strength and endeavour of all the national races we regained our independence at great cost of life. Regrettably after we had gained independence, instead of making every effort to reconstruct our nation, armed conflicts broke out among our kinsfolk and a good deal of blood has been shed due to ideological radicalism, factionalism and racism and the people have been adrift in a sea of suffering for nearly five decades.

    Whenever the country's situation became chaotic and was on the verge of losing its independence and sovereignty, the Tatmadaw, dedicated to its pledge of duty and loyalty has had to intercede many times to save the country from total collapse. In 1988 also the Tatmadaw had to resolve and remove the lawlessness and disorderliness that erupted to rebuild the nation which had deteriorated in all aspects. It then laid sound and solid foundations as a legacy for us to carry on with the task of reconstructing a peaceful, modern and developed nation.

  • 5 - The Union Government

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 57-100

  • Summary

    Provisions of the Constitution

    The 2008 constitution of Myanmar set the parameters of President Thein Sein's reforms. The relevant sections are as follow:

    Section 200:

    The Union Government shall comprise the following persons:

    (a) The President;

    (b) Vice-Presidents;

    (c) Ministers of the Union;

    (d) The Attorney General of the Union.

    Section 202:

    The President, with the approval of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw [Union assembly], may:

    (a) designate the Ministries of the Union Government as necessary, and may make changes and additions to the ministries;

    (b) designate the number of the Union Ministers as necessary, and may increase or decrease the number.

    Section 203:

    The President shall be responsible to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. The Vice-Presidents shall be responsible to the President and also to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw through the President.

    Session 224:

    The Ministries of the Union Government shall, in carrying out the functions of their subordinate governmental departments and organizations, manage, guide, supervise and inspect in accord with the provisions of the Constitution and the existing laws.

    Section 232(b)(ii):

    In order to appoint Union Ministers, the President shall: obtain a list of suitable Defence Services personnel nominated by the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services for Ministries of Defence, Home Affairs and Border Affairs;

    Section 232(i):

    If the Union Minister is a representative of a Hluttaw, it shall be deemed that he has resigned from the day he is appointed as a Union Minister. Section 232(k): If the Union Minister is a member of any political party, he shall not take part in its party activities during the term of office from the day he is appointed as a Union Minister.

    According to section 233, any Union minister may be impeached and removed by the Hluttaw and according to section 235(c) the president may direct any Union minister to resign.

    The Formation of Thein Sein's Administration

    Thein Sein, who was elected president at the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw session held on 4 February 2011, presented a proposal on 8 February for the formation of a Union government with 34 ministries and 30 Union ministers. During the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw debate over the list of ministries on 9 February, National Democratic Front (NDF) party representative Dr Myat Nyana Soe objected that there were too many ministries and proposed the number should be reduced to 25, but also proposed the establishment of a new Ministry of Ethnic Affairs.

  • 8 - Turning Points

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 154-184

  • Summary

    During Thein Sein's presidency there were many developments that hindered his reform programme. This chapter covers some of the decisions and actions that deeply affected the reforms. These became seen as turning points in the Thein Sein administration and marked some of its successes and failures.

    The Myitsone Hydropower Project

    The Myitsone Dam development project was intended to build a large hydroelectric power plant at the confluence of two rivers, the Mali Kha and the N'mai Kha. The two rivers come together to form the Ayeyawady River at a point 42 kilometres north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. It was to be one of seven dams under the Ayeyawady River Confluence Region Hydropower Project (CRHP) of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). According to the national thirty-year electrification strategic plan, on completion the seven dams would have created a total installed capacity of 20,000 megawatts. An eighth dam, Chipwi Nge Hydropower Project, completed in 2013, was installed to provide electricity for the construction projects.

    The Ministry of Electric Power (MOEP) and the Japanese Kansai Electric Power Company (KEPO) surveyed the area in 2002 and KEPO established a small weather station at Tang Hpre village near the confluence in 2003. Chinese companies, including the Yunnan Machinery Equipment Import & Export Company and the Kunming Hydropower Institute of Design, surveyed the dam site in 2005.

    The MOEP and China Power Investment Cooperation (CPI) signed a memorandum of understanding for Myitsone and the N'mai Kha and Mali Kha Ayeyawady River basin hydropower project on 28 December 2006. In 2007 the Changjiang Survey, Planning, Design and Research Co. (CDC) conducted geological drilling, reservoir inspection and hydrological measuring. CDC also concluded terms of reference for an environmental impact assessment and a feasibility research report in 2008–9. An environmental impact assessment was conducted by Myanmar's Biodiversity and Nature Conservation Association (BANCA) and a Chinese team from January to July 2009.

    The total of eight hydropower plants would produce 18,499 megawatts and they were to be completed within fifteen years. Myitsone was the largest dam and was to be located 3.2 kilometres below the confluence of the Mali and the N'Mai. The dam was projected to produce 6,000 megawatts of electricity by 2017.

  • Appendix B - President Thein Sein's First Address to the Cabinet

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 239-244

  • Summary

    I extend my warmest greetings to members of the Union Government and heads of Union organizations present on this occasion and wish you good health and happiness, and that you will be unremitting in your efforts to serve the nation and the people.

    The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw session, which commenced on 31 January 2011, concluded yesterday. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw has chosen and appointed the organizations and persons who will take charge of the executive, judicial and legislative branches at the Union level and likewise, the respective State and Region Hluttaws have elected and assigned similar tasks to the persons to take charge of these branches in their own regions.

    So, those of us who have been elected and vested with due authority as leaders of the State and members of the government by the Hluttaw must now embark on the final step on the Seven-phase Road Map towards the realization of a modern, developed and democratic nation.

    In implementing the final step of the Road Map it is essential to comprehend clearly what our perspectives should be and the policies we must follow. We as members of the executive and judiciary are responsible to undertake our assigned tasks for the establishment of a modern, developed democratic nation and as such we must be committed without reservation to accomplishing the final step of the Road Map.

    This is why I would like to say that the crux of the points I wish to make and the work programmes envisaged are of vital importance for the future of the nation.

    Heads of Union Government, Union ministers and deputy ministers

    The most important task of the new administration is to work together to create Good Governance and Clean Government. To achieve these aims, the work of the Union Government and the state and region governments as well must be transparent, accountable and consistent with the Constitution and existing laws. The people's wishes and desires must be respected and there must be assurance of all-inclusiveness. It is also imperative that actions taken by the government be expeditious and effective.

    The second task of the government is to promote and propagate democratic practices. Today, our country has a Constitution as a foundation on which to build a modern, developed and democratic nation. The legislative, executive and judicial pillars that emerged from the Constitution have come to life.

  • Introduction: Myanmar's Political Reforms

  • Ye Htut
  • Book:
    Myanmar's Political Transition and Lost Opportunities (2010–2016)
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    25 January 2020
    Print publication:
    17 September 2019, pp 1-4

  • Summary

    The “Myanmar Spring” or Myanmar's road to democracy commenced on 30 March 2011. That morning, newly elected President Thein Sein delivered his inaugural address to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union assembly). This was the first speech of the first competitively elected head of state by the parliament and, indirectly, the citizens of Myanmar since the 1962 military coup.

    Although it was broadcast live, except for a few scholars and journalists, the majority of the people of Myanmar as well as the international community gave very little attention to the speech. As the ruling party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), was backed by the military, and the elected president was a former general and the prime minister of the previous military government, they saw the new government as a quasi-military regime—the same old wine in a new bottle.

    Myanmar had held a general election on 7 November 2010 under a new constitution. The constitution had been formally adopted following a referendum in 2008. The previous military government stated that this election was the starting point for a democratization process, but given the contentious nature of the election process, the international community rejected the election result. For example, the International Crisis Group took the following view of the elections and the subsequent government under President Thein Sein:

    [the] Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide victory leaving the military elite still in control. Together with the quarter of legislative seats reserved for soldiers, this means there will be little political space for opposition members in parliament. The new government that has been formed, and which will assume power in the coming weeks, also reflects the continued dominance of the old order with the president and one of the two vice presidents drawn from its ranks and a number of cabinet ministers recycled.

    The United States government, the leading power critical of the military government, stated that the elections “were neither free nor fair and failed to meet any internationally accepted standards” and that “Myanmar missed an opportunity to begin genuine transition toward democratic governance and national reconciliation.”

  • 5 - Conclusions

  • Maxwell Lane
  • Book:
    An Introduction to the Politics of the Indonesian Union Movement
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    23 January 2020
    Print publication:
    10 July 2019, pp 102-112

  • Summary

    This essay introduces the politics of the Indonesian trade union movement today, including the crucial factors from before 1998 that have helped create the terrain of today's movement. The essay concentrates on the most visible overt political activities of the most politically active unions. In the preface, I point out that these most active unions represent a minority of union members and an even smaller minority of the workforce, who are mainly not organized into trade unions. However, it would be wrong to imply that workers outside the main unions discussed in this essay are not engaged in industrial activity. Any perusal of the mushrooming number of websites and Facebook groups reporting on industrial activity reveals that there is ongoing workplace disputation. Disputes are happening every week. However, the reporting via these websites and groups provides only a more or less arbitrary coverage of what is happening, depending on the contacts and capacities of the people behind each group or website.

    The newness of the labour scene, emphasized in this essay, means that both the mushrooming of workplace unions and sources reporting their activities are fragmented and dispersed. There is no centralized or systematic collection of data or reports. This also reflects the reality that organized labour itself is still neither centralized nor organized into a unified system. Labour itself is fragmented and dispersed. The fact that a massive proportion of the workforce is employed in enterprises with fewer than twenty employees also means that day-to-day disputes between employees and employers in those enterprises may not take the form of normal union disputes. These smaller enterprises number in the hundreds of thousands.

    In these circumstances it is extremely difficult to make any general conclusions about trends in underlying levels of industrial disputation or tensions.

    What can be identified are the most explicit manifestations of strongly organized union activity. Even here, the most visible are those activities that insert themselves on to the national political stage. In this essay, the focus has been on the activities initiated by the KSPI/FSPMI and the spectrum of smaller dissident unions. Most observers consider the KSPSI the biggest union, inheriting the majority of the membership of the New Order era single union, but its activities have not significantly inserted the union on to the national political stage.

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