Four hundred and sixty-five pregnant women and their newborn babies were studied at a maternal and child health training institute in Dhaka, Bangladesh, between July 2002 and June 2003 with the objective of (1) examining the relationship between birth weight and maternal factors, and, if there was a dose–response relationship between quality of antenatal care and birth weight, (2) predicting the number of antenatal visits required for women with different significant characteristics to reduce the incidence of low-birth-weight babies. The study revealed that 23·2% of the babies were of low birth weight according to the WHO cut-off point of <2500 g. Mean birth weight was 2674·19±425·31 g. A low birth weight was more common in younger (<20 years) and older (≥30 years) mothers, the low-income group and those with little or no education. The mean birth weight of the babies increased with an increase in quality of antenatal care. The babies of the mothers who had 6+ antenatal visits were found to be 727·26 g heavier than those who had 1–3 visits and 325·88 g heavier than those who had 4–5 visits. No significant relationship was found between number of conception, birth-to-conception interval, BMI at first visit, sex of the newborn and birth weight. Further, from multiple regression analysis (stepwise), it was revealed that number of antenatal visits, educational level of the mother and per capita yearly income had independent effects on birth weight after controlling the effect of each variable. Using multiple regression analysis, the estimated number of antenatal visits required to reduce the incidence of low-birth-weight babies for women with no education and below-average per capita income status was 6; the number required for women with no education and above-average per capita income status was 5; and that for women with education and with any category of income status was 4 visits. So there is a need to stratify women according to their income and educational status so that, along with other measures, the required number of antenatal visits can be estimated beforehand to reduce the incidence of low-birth-weight babies.

Demographic transition theory states that fertility declines in response to development, thus wealth and fertility are negatively correlated. Evolutionary theory, however, suggests a positive relationship between wealth and fertility. Fertility transition as a result of industrialization and economic development started in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Western Europe; and it extended to some of the Asian and Latin American countries later on. However, economic crises since the 1980s have been co-incident with fertility decline in sub-Sahara Africa and other developing countries like Thailand, Nepal and Bangladesh in the last decade of the 20th century. A very low level of fertility is observed in Addis Ababa (TFR=1·9) where contraceptive prevalence rate is modest and recurrent famine as well as drought have been major causes of economic crisis in the country for more than three consecutive decades, which is surprising given the high rural fertility. Detailed socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of 2976 women of reproductive age (i.e. 15–49 years) residing in Addis Ababa were collected during the first quarter of 2003 using an event history calendar and individual women questionnaire. Controlling for the confounding effects of maternal birth cohort, education, marital status and accessible income level, the poor (those who have access to less than a dollar per day or 250 birr a month) were observed to elongate the timing of having first and second births, while relatively better-off women were found to have shorter birth intervals. Results were also the same among the ever-married women only model. More than 50% of women currently in their 20s are also predicted to fail to reproduce as most of the unmarried men and women are ‘retreating from marriage’ due to economic stress. Qualitative information collected through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews also supports the statistical findings that poverty is at the root of this collapse in fertility. Whilst across countries wealth and fertility have been negatively correlated, this study shows that within one uniform population the relationship is clearly positive.

This paper compares the structures of the surnames of 75 municipal populations living in six north-western Mediterranean regions. Its purpose is to unravel the relations between the local populations in Corsica and Sardinia and the links between these populations and those living in the Italian and French continental territory. On the basis of the matrix of similarity of surnames, some topological representations have been drafted showing the above-mentioned relations between populations under the light of their geographical position, their recent history and studies of genetic analysis. Corsica has an eterogeneous surname structure and evident similarity of the north with Tuscany and some centres of continental France. When only the populations of Sardinia were taken into consideration, it emerged that they differ among each other in relation to their geographical position and their history; when, instead, they were considered in relation to other populations outside the island, it was possible to observe that they form a highly different cluster. This study also identified many differences in the analysed geographical areas of Sardinia. In the minor islands – Elba, Giglio, Capraia – the structure of the surnames has a Tuscan origin as well as some similarity with other geographically distant areas, as in the case of the island of Giglio, if compared with some communities of Liguria.

This study aimed to assess the prevalence of and risk factors associated with alcohol abuse among women and men in Moshi in northern Tanzania. Alcohol abuse was measured by a CAGE score of 2–4, versus 0–1 for no alcohol abuse (Ewing, 1984). Crude and adjusted logistic regression models determined odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) of alcohol abuse by characteristics of, respectively, women with partners (n=1200), women without partners (n=614) and men (n=788) (women’s partners). Prevalence of alcohol abuse was 7·0% (95% CI: 5·6–8·4) among women with partners, 9·3% (95% CI: 7·0–11·6) among women without partners, and more than double among men at 22·8% (95% CI: 19·9–25·8). In general, Christians had higher alcohol abuse than Muslims or other religions, as did Chagga men compared with men of other ethnic groups. Other socio-demographic characteristics, such as education or income, were not significant. Sexual behaviours were significant predictors of alcohol abuse. For example, women without partners who reported more than two partners in the last year had higher alcohol abuse compared with women reporting no partners (OR=8·75; 95% CI: 2·37–32·31), as did men reporting it is ‘OK to hit a partner’ for any reason (OR=1·79; 95% CI: 1·16–2·77) compared with men who did not. HIV-1 infection was not significantly associated with alcohol abuse by women or men. The Christian Church in Moshi should consider raising awareness about the harmful effects of high alcohol use among its adherents. Comprehensive programmes focusing on reducing number of partners and alcohol use, particularly by men, are needed in this community.

In modern societies, there are regular social gradients in most health parameters, and also in the structure of morbidity and mortality. However, the significance of inter-generation social mobility for general health status still remains equivocal. This study was therefore performed in order to compare the effect of social mobility on coronary heart disease (CHD) risk between middle-aged Polish men and women. A total of 342 men and 458 women, aged 40 and 50 and inhabitants of Wrocław, were examined. Risk of CHD was estimated using the Framingham Risk Score (FRS), calculated for each individual. Social mobility was defined as an inter-generation change in social status expressed as educational level between the examined individual and his/her father. Using two-variable regression models, it was demonstrated that FRS in men was determined by both their father’s education level (β=0·33, p<0·0001) and inter-generation change in educational status (β=0·18, p=0·008). In contrast, FRS in women was related only to their father’s education level (β=0·35, p<0·0001), but not to inter-generation social mobility (β=0·35, p=0·25). In particular, an incremental change in educational level among those men whose father had finished primary school at the very most or among those whose father had finished basic trade school was accompanied by a significant decrease in FRS (F=4·12, p=0·009 and F=3·25, p=0·04, respectively). It is concluded that inter-generation social mobility modifies CHD risk (as estimated using FRS) in middle-aged Polish men, but not in women. The precise mechanisms responsible for the observed sex difference in this phenomenon need to be established in further studies.

In this paper, longitudinal data from northern Ghana is used to assess the effects of encouragement to use family planning that men receive from their personal network partners on the adoption of modern contraception by their wives. The study tests a conceptual model that, in addition to the effect of men’s network encouragement, incorporates the effect of encouragement to use family planning that women receive from their respective network partners and the effect of spousal communication on reproductive matters and approval of family planning. Results show that encouragement received by men from their social networks significantly increases the likelihood of subsequent contraceptive use by their wives but this effect operates primarily by galvanizing spousal communication on reproductive matters. The effect of encouragement received by women from their respective network partners is largely independent from the effect of male network encouragement but it influences contraceptive adoption both directly and through spousal communication.

The Muslims of Aligarh city are predominantly Sunnis, although there are also a considerable number of Shias. Among the Sunnis, approximately a quarter belong to Syed, Sheikh, Moghal and Pathan groups, and three-quarters belong to various lower biradaris. In the present study, 304 women attending the Primary Health Centre of the J. N. Medical College and Hospital, Aligarh Muslim University, Uttar Pradesh, were surveyed and the following recorded among Muslim women of high-rank (Ashraf) and low-rank (Ajlaf) castes: incidence of marriage, age of the mother at the time of marriage, present age of the mother, abortions, still births, pre-reproductive mortality and overall mortality. The Ashraf are comprised of the Sheikh, Syed and Pathan, whereas the Ajlafs have Qureshi, Saifi and Ansari biradaris. Maternal age was scored as above and below 45 years in each biradari. Significant effects of maternal age were seen on mortality of offspring, whereas populations did not show consistent differences, except when Ashrafs and Ajlafs were considered separately. The results show higher mortality and abortions for various groups. This may be due to various biological and socio-cultural factors, including hidden inbreeding in the remote past.

Although studies have examined religious differences in fertility in sub-Saharan Africa, it is argued in this paper that using women-only sample data may be conceptually problematic in patriarchal African societies where the influence of husbands on their wives’ reproductive preferences is paramount. The present study contributes to this discourse by examining the relationship between religion and fertility behaviour using matched-couple data from Ghana. Guided by the ‘religious values’ and ‘characteristics’ hypotheses, the results indicate significant religious differences in fertility. Compared with Traditionalists, Christians and Muslims have lower fertility, albeit these differences diminish significantly after controlling for socioeconomic variables. The impact of wife’s religious denomination on marital fertility is attenuated after controlling for husband’s religious affiliation. Also, fertility was found to be higher if couples belong to the same faith compared with those of different faiths.

The remarkable decline in fertility in Iran, which saw the total fertility rate fall from 7 children per woman in 1986 to 2 in 2000, has received only limited analysis in the demographic literature. Using the 2000 Iran Demographic and Health Survey and Bongaarts’ age-specific fertility model, this paper examines the role of the major proximate determinants of fertility in bringing about the rapid decrease in fertility in Iran. The analysis indicates that contraception had the largest effect on fertility, accounting for 61% of the reduction in fertility from its theoretical maximum. The fertility-inhibiting effect of marriage patterns accounted for an additional 31% reduction, and was most important among the young. Further analysis of contraceptive behaviour suggests that the current period fertility rate of 2·0 children per woman is an outcome of a synchronization of delaying and spacing of births among younger women with stopping of childbearing among women in the middle and late reproductive ages. The policy implications of the results are discussed.