The Catholic Church in Brazil has undergone a fundamental transformation in its role in state and society during the past decade and a half, making it probably the most progressive Church in Latin America, if not the world. Based on theological innovations since the Second Vatican Council (1962–5) and the CELAM meeting in Medellín, Colombia (1968), the Church in Brazil has made a ‘preferential option for the poor’.

Lately we have become accustomed to look for change in Latin American Catholicism. Indeed, expectations of innovation and change have largely replaced the norms of continuity which once governed both scholarly and popular outlooks on the Catholic Church in the region. Constant change is now commonly anticipated in the ideas and structures of the churches, in their relation to social movements, and in the form and content of the churches' projections into society and politics as a whole.

Both before and after the 1959 revolution, the Catholic Church in Cuba deviated from the norm in Latin America. This is in large measure due to the unique historical and social experience of Cuba, as well as to the fact that the church remained until the early 1960s largely a missionary outpost of Spain. When the revolution occurred, the Catholic Church was frozen in a pre-Vatican II mold which was reinforced by an exodus of clergy, religious and laity. The economic and diplomatic embargo of Cuba further isolated the church from progressive trends within the international church. Thus, the ferment unleashed by Vatican II (1962–5) and the Latin American Bishops Conference at Medellín, Colombia (1968) had less impact than changes resulting from the Cuban Revolution. As a consequence, the Catholic Church in Cuba entered the 1970s with limited theological and pastoral resources to meet the challenge of a consolidated Marxist/Leninist revolution. As an institution, the Catholic Church in Cuba is, as it was in 1959, the weakest in all of Latin America.

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize and concientizar1 rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

The activities of the mercantile houses operating in the import–export trade are of primary importance in tracing and analyzing the nature of economic growth in nineteenth-century Latin America. As a necessary corollary to their trade activities, many houses were also involved in shipping and served as conduits for financial transactions of all types, collecting, receiving and remitting funds as well as making local investments, advances and loans. Mercantile houses thus served as the commercial– financial bridgehead between the new republics and the North Atlantic world. Naturally, not all mercantile houses participated in these activities to the same degree, and a distinction should be noted between agents for houses and partners.

In many countries the government plays an important role in the provision of several basic human needs. In recent years, there has been a renewed interest in these social policies. In less developed countries, the question of income redistribution and poverty alleviation strategies has led to a ‘basic needs’ approach. This strategy attempts to satisfy a minimum consumption basket of the poor through government intervention. intervention. On the other hand, in some developed countries a revision of the ‘welfare state’ conception – at least in terms of its future growth – is under way. Alleged inefficiencies, work and savings disincentives and the high tax burden it requires are among the criticisms.