This study investigated the longitudinal stability of sociometric classification in two groups of children aged 8 to 10 years over a 2-year period. Two simple, but sensitive and valid forced-choice sociometric measures were completed by 41 children with moderate learning difficulties (MLD) and 375 mainstream children. On both occasions and on both measures (one using a ‘‘work with’’ and one a ‘‘play with’’ sociometric criterion) MLD pupils were significantly less likely to be classified as popular and more likely to be classified as rejected. Over the 2-year period just over half of the children, whether MLD or mainstream, were classified in the same sociometric category. However, the stability coefficients for the rejected and popular sociometric status groups were found to be higher in the included sample than in the mainstream sample. The results of this study are compared with previous longitudinal studies in the area that have focused on mainstream pupils, and implications for the use of sociometric measures in evaluating the outcomes of inclusion are discussed.

The main aim of this study was to determine whether child mental health professionals who regularly use questionnaires to screen for mental disorders know that these questionnaires have a low predictive value when the base rate of a disorder is low. The study was based on a representative sample of professionals who used questionnaires regularly to screen for mental disorders. They were set a problem in which a clinic sample was screened with a questionnaire that, at a certain cut-point, had 80% sensitivity and 80% specificity, and in which the true base rate of disorder was 10%. Only 10% (5/48) of respondents answered correctly that just 30% of individuals who scored above this cut-point would actually have the disorder and more than half of respondents believed that 80% would have the disorder. Both users and designers of questionnaires need to be more aware of and explicit about their drawbacks as screens for mental disorders.

The goal of this study was to examine whether looking away behaviour of ADHD children interferes with their test performance. ADHD and normal children carried out two continuous performance tests (CPTs): one with a regular interstimulus interval (ISI), and the other with an irregular ISI. Children were instructed to push a response button when a target stimulus was presented on the monitor. The children's visual behaviour was recorded and scored offline. A micro-analysis of the visual behaviour indicated that ADHD children timed their looking away behaviour in the regular CPT: i.e. they looked away from the monitor and back in the interval between two succeeding stimuli. As a result they did not miss stimuli. Timing of looking away was less possible in the CPT with the irregular ISI. In this condition, looking away interfered with the ADHD children's task accuracy. In sum, looking away behaviour had a negative effect on the accuracy of test performance of ADHD children when stimuli were unpredictable. Looking away behaviour was not associated with the slower reaction times of the ADHD children. Hence, the often reported slowness of ADHD children is not to be explained by their visual behaviour.

The two-way interplay between research and clinical practice in relation to autism is reviewed with respect to: (1) diagnosis and syndrome delineation; (2) the nature of the disorder; (3) intervention studies; and (4) aetiology, as manifest during four time periods; (a) the 1950s and 1960s; (b) the 1970s into the mid 1980s; (c) the late 1980s and early 1990s; and (d) the late 1990s. It is concluded that clinical practice has changed out of all recognition during the last 50 years and that research findings have been crucial in bringing about that change. It has not, however, been a one-way traffic. Many key advances were prompted by astute clinical observations and some extravagant research claims were given a more balanced perspective through the light of clinical experience. Crucial research and clinical tasks remain but the means to meet them are there if the opportunities are taken and attention is paid to the lessons of the past.

The purpose of the current study was to examine whether types of discourse deficits were associated differentially with psychiatric disorders (PD) and with language impairments (LI) in children. Discourse analyses examining the occurrence of different types of discourse deficits in language structure, information structure, and flow of information were performed on the spoken narratives of 111 children aged 7 to 12 years who comprised 4 groups: (1) psychiatrically referred children with LI (PD+LI), (2) psychiatrically referred children with normally developing language (PD), (3) nonreferred children with language impairments (LI), and (4) nonreferred children with normally developing language (controls). Discourse deficits in language and information structure characterized children with LI, whereas disruptions in the flow of discourse characterized children with PD. Children with the comorbid condition exhibited deficits associated with both LI and PD; in addition, they displayed distinct deficits related to pronominal reference and causal cohesion. The findings provide a preliminary understanding of the associations among language, discourse, and psychopathology in children.

The developmental approach to childhood psychopathology identifies deviations from typical patterns of development and stability of individual characteristics over time, and precursors in early life of later functions. The application of this approach to the social, communicative, and cognitive development of children with autism is discussed. Results from a longitudinal study of children with autism and other developmental disorders are described, indicating that children with autism have stable deficits in joint attention, representational play, and responsiveness to the emotions of others, and that early variations in these abilities are important for concurrent and subsequent language development and for peer engagement many years later.

A representative sample of 328 children with hemiplegia was assessed by behavioural screening questionnaires completed by parents and teachers; just under half were also individually assessed. Four years later, 90% of the sample were followed up by questionnaire. There was substantial continuity across time for most measures of psychopathology. Depending on the measures used, around 70% of children who were psychiatric “cases” initially were still cases 4 years later. In addition, around 30% of children who were not psychiatric cases initially had become cases 4 years later. In the preschool years, externalising symptoms were predictive of later conduct and hyperactivity problems, whereas emotional symptoms were not predictive of later problems. In the school years, hyperactivity was particularly predictive of continuing psychiatric problems. Neurological, cognitive, demographic, and family factors did not add much predictive power once allowance had been made for the severity and type of the initial psychiatric problems. Since the psychiatric complications of childhood hemiplegia are persistent as well as common, they warrant increased clinical and research attention. All children with hemiplegia deserve careful monitoring for psychiatric problems, with a view to early intervention or the deployment of preventative approaches.

Much of the relevant literature has focused on the assessment of dangerousness in adults. Up-to-date thinking and research has now taken on the alternative concept of risk and looks not at all-or-nothing long-term predictions, but at short-term frequent decisions about risk, which then assist in the management of the individual and their situation. For this reason it is essential that those presenting evidence for other professionals or for Court should not attempt, or be persuaded, to make long-term predictions. Current research is now showing that some factors, which can be ascertained clinically, are significantly associated with the risk of future violence.

The purpose of this study was to examine prospectively the impact of family transition on deviant development in a sample of 427 French-Canadian boys participating in a longitudinal study from kindergarten onwards. During the course of the study some boys experienced family transition. We grouped the boys by developmental period and number of marital transitions they experienced: divorced between ages 6 and 11; divorced between ages 12 to 15; remarried between ages 6 and 11; and remarried between ages 12 and 15. From ages 11 to 15 we assessed boys' delinquency and their family processes (parental supervision, punishment, and communication) annually. The results suggest that boys who experienced remarriage between ages 12 and 15 are at greater risk for delinquency. In particular, they showed evidence of comparatively more theft and fighting at earlier ages than their peers from families that had remained intact. At similar points in development, they perceived less expressive parent–child relationships. Finally, these boys also perceived less monitoring by their parents, both overall and at different points in adolescence.

In this paper, we review current issues in cognitive assessment. After addressing important definitional and theoretical issues, we discuss some recently developed cognitive assessment instruments as well as some recently revised instruments. Tests that are scheduled for revision will also be mentioned. As most readers are generally familiar with the widely used and nationally standardized IQ tests, we will summarize these tests according to their general usage. The testing of intelligence has been a major focus and contribution since the early days of Psychology, when the birthplace of the intelligence testing movement began in France with the work of Alfred Binet toward the end of the 19th century. Many of the most widely known and used IQ tests have been developed in the U.S.A. and are used internationally. In addition, other IQ tests have been developed in many other countries outside the U.S.A. The use of IQ tests and selected assessment considerations will be reviewed. Finally, we make some predictions about the future role of cognitive assessment in the coming century.

HIV and AIDS have made a huge global impact, permeating the social, cultural, and economic fabric of almost all nations. The first cases of HIV infection in children were reported in the late 1980s and numbers have since risen steadily throughout the world, with some of the poorest and least developed countries experiencing the highest prevalence. Combined drug regimes have changed the course of HIV-related illness and brought increased survival to those for whom treatment is available. With this, however, have come fresh concerns relating to drug resistance, treatment adherence, and the risk of second-generation vertical transmission as HIV-infected children now survive into adulthood and beyond. The psychological literature has addressed issues such as the direct effect of HIV on child development, social and cultural attitudes, family functioning and support, affected children and orphans of HIV-infected parents, sexual health education, disclosure of diagnosis, and long-term clinical management. The outcome for those living in wealthier countries is optimistic, but the spread of this virus in the rest of the world and its impact on family life and social and political systems remains of great concern.

The assessment and treatment of deaf children with psychiatric disorder is intimately related to the individual child's communication, which in turn is affected by a number of factors, medical, social, and cultural. The deafness can be aetiologically related to the psychiatric disorder or can be incidental. Treatment strategies should be adapted to meet the individual child and family's needs. Deaf professionals have a vital role in mental health services for this population. The use of an interpreter can clarify communication and cultural issues for deaf and hearing children, families, and professionals.

The last 40 years has seen a virtual revolution in both medical research and medical practice. Child psychiatry has been part of that revolution. The situation in the 1950s is briefly noted and seven examples are used to illustrate how causal research in the past has led to changes in clinical practice. The areas used as examples comprise: autism, hyperactivity/attention deficit syndromes, conduct disorders, depressive conditions, genetic research, organic brain dysfunction, and psychosocial risk processes. Prospects for the future with respect to the impact of research on clinical practice are discussed in relation to molecular genetics, environmental risks, cognitive and affective processing of experiences, links across the lifespan, and functional brain imaging. Attention is drawn to implications for training as well as for practice.

Based on a sample of 89 aggressive clinic-referred children, aged between 9 and 11 years, a longitudinal study of 1-year duration was conducted to examine (a) whether the children's perception of control and support of their mothers' to them predicted their hostile attribution of intent and hostile response selection, and (b) whether these hostile biased social cognitions mediated the relationships between their perceived maternal behaviours and their aggression. Participants completed a questionnaire covering both the perceived maternal control and support. One year later, their hostile attribution of intent and response selection, and aggression, were measured. Results showed that perceived maternal control and perceived maternal support were associated positively and negatively, respectively, with both the social cognition measures. Also, the social cognition measures mediated the relationships of the perceived maternal measures with aggression. The findings are discussed in terms of how children's hostile biased relational schemas and scripts, developed from negative parenting and insecure attachment, favour more hostile social cognitions, and how these in turn mediate children's current hostile biased social behaviours.

In this review I examine the role of play and assessment in the lives of young children. These two seemingly opposing constructs are first defined. Next, I address a particularly important form of assessment, “high stakes” assessment, and argue that if it must be used, we should use a variety of assessment methods. One such method that I discuss in great detail is the use of direct observations of children's play. Examples of reliable and valid inferences about children's social cognitive functioning made with this family of methods are provided. Two specific observational instruments (one for observing play in the classroom and one for observing play in the playground) are presented. Recommendations for their use by practitioners are made.

The categorical consequences and psychometric properties of different sociometric classification methods were evaluated. Children aged 9 to 12 years (N=254) completed three sociometric questionnaires and a peer assessment measure on two occasions 5 weeks apart. The sociometric data were analysed using 13 different methods. Analysis of kappa values indicated relatively poor agreement across methods on subject classification. Temporal stability of the classifications was also poor. Assessment of construct validity involved analysis of the peer assessment items, using MANOVA to test hypotheses based on ideas from social exchange theory. Cross-sex rating biases and difficulties with the neglected and controversial classifications are discussed as indicating a need for the application of theoretically based approaches which consider features of the peer group social system and a need for caution in selecting methods for clinical use.

From a sample of middle-class mothers and their 3-year-old children, a selected group of 36 mothers were divided into 2 groups according to the quality of their responses to the Adult Attachment Interview as a Questionnaire (Crandell, Fitzgerald, & Whipple, 1997). Twenty mothers provided coherent accounts of their early parent–child relationships (secure) and 16 mothers provided idealised, entangled, or otherwise incoherent accounts of their early parent–child relationships (insecure). The mothers were administered an abbreviated version of the WAIS-R and the children were given an abbreviated version of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale. The quality of mother–child interactions was assessed by videotaping a 20-minute play episode and clean-up period, and by rating the degree of synchrony according to a modified version of the Belsky Parent–Child Interaction System (Whipple, Denburg, & Davies, 1993). The results were that children of secure mothers scored 19 points higher on the Stanford-Binet test compared to children of insecure mothers. (The adjusted mean difference was 12 points when maternal IQ, education, and family SES were taken into account.) The group difference in the children's IQ remained significant when comparisons were made between a subgroup of 12 secure and 12 insecure mothers who were matched for maternal IQ. Finally we examined the subgroup of 16 cases where child IQ scores were either 10 points higher or lower than maternal IQ. In all 6 cases where child IQ was at least 10 points below maternal IQ, the child had a mother who was insecure; in contrast, only 4 of the 10 children who had IQ scores 10 points higher than maternal IQ had an insecure mother. In terms of parent–child interaction patterns, there was suggestive evidence that the degree of parent–child synchrony was also related to child IQ. The results suggest important social-developmental contributions to young children's performance on standardised tests of intellectual ability.

The modulators of maternal separation anxiety were examined in a longitudinal study with 97 mothers of infants from 3 to 9 months of age. The objective of the study was to examine the joint contribution of the mother's attachment concerns as related to her husband together with the perception of the infant's temperament to her concerns over separation from her child. Maternal worries about separation from 3-month-old infants predicted maternal separation anxiety when infants were 9 months old. Mother's attachment to her husband and her perception of her child's temperament further predicted maternal separation anxiety at 9 months over and above the worries at 3 months. Mothers who feared dependent relationships with their husbands experienced high levels of maternal separation anxiety. This tendency was particularly marked when the infant was perceived as adaptable at 3 months. In addition, secure mothers, namely, mothers low in fear of abandonment and in fear of being dependent, increased their maternal separation anxiety as a function of their infant's perceived unadaptability.

The aim of this investigation was to follow up a sample of exceptionally short but medically healthy children, and a normal comparison group, previously studied at 4 years of age. They lived in an inner-city area which was, on objective criteria, seriously disadvantaged in socioeconomic terms. When first seen at 4 years, cases were significantly impaired in cognitive abilities relative to comparisons, although firstborns were much less severely affected. Of the original 46 cases, 45 were assessed again at 11 years. Most continued to live in the same geographical area. Case children remained exceptionally short, even when parental stature was taken into account, although a degree of catch-up had occurred. One third had special educational needs, and a similar proportion had been referred for speech therapy. Verbal and nonverbal cognitive skills of both case and comparison children had, on the whole, changed little and group differences persisted. In conclusion, short normal children from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds are at high risk of educational failure at elementary school.

The recognition and drug treatment of hyperkinetic disorder have been increasing in the U.K. during the late 1990s, but are still at a low rate by comparison with many other countries. This article will describe some clinical conclusions, taken mostly from recent research, that should be relevant to clinicians in countries such as the U.K., where there is little current use of the diagnosis of Attention Deficit or stimulant drug treatments. It includes some practical recommendations for therapy that go beyond the evidence base; but space does not allow full protocols, and more detailed guidelines for European practitioners are available elsewhere (Taylor et al., 1998). The recommendations are not necessarily appropriate for other cultural settings, and should not be taken to apply to countries where stimulant drugs are unavailable or where they are widely used in primary care.