The period from the fourth through the seventh century witnessed the elaboration of Christian cults of saints with a particular interest in the ascetic labors and miraculous powers of holy men and women. Although much evidence for these cults derives from literary saints' lives, a genre that emerged simultaneously with the cults, scholars have overlooked the role of the hagiographer as devotee. Previous studies have tended to view an author's piety as a barrier to historical inquiry, dismissing miracle accounts (among other hagiographical elements) as pious fictions. Neglect of the religious dimensions of the activity of writing arises in part from the confluence of two trends. First, renewed interest in late antique popular culture highlights the affinities between the religious life of elites and nonelites. Despite the refreshing aspects of this approach, the distinctly literary contributions to the formation of piety have been overlooked. Second, traditional divisions between patristics and social history continue to exclude theology and religious composition from discussions of piety on the assumption that thought and action are separable. Thanks to the work of Catherine Bell and others, students of religion can appreciate that thinking is an activity, something obvious to Christians in late antiquity such as Gregory of Nyssa, for whom contemplation of God was virtuous motion.

Scholars agree that European Christians in the thirteenth century were enthusiastically devoted to the Virgin Mary. Even when they debated Mary's immaculate conception or her assumption body and soul into heaven, medieval Christians are not thought to have wavered in their desire to rely on her intercessory powers. While today some argue that Mary's virginal maternity set an impossible ideal for women and that her place below the Trinity sanctioned women's subordinate role within Christianity, medieval women supposedly did not assess Mary negatively. Given these widely held assumptions about thirteenth-century attitudes toward Mary, any uncertainty about honoring Mary warrants investigation. Any thirteenth-century Christian who rarely sought Mary's direct intercession but instead asked Christ to intercede with Mary deserves study. Attention especially ought to be given when questions about devotion to Mary are found in an unexpected place: the writings of a female saint renowned for her orthodoxy.

Recent study of English Nonconformity in the nineteenth century has focused upon issues in the integration of a small culture of Dissent into the larger Anglican-dominated culture, issues such as politics, education, and advancement in the general society. Little attention, by contrast, has been given to theological questions or developments. As a result, the impact of some major shifts in theological thinking within denominational traditions has not been carefully pursued; more seriously, such changes have been frequently characterized as illustrations of theological decline. Greater perspective, however, would be gained by locating instances of theological contention and setting them in the larger framework of cultural and religious change. The following exploration of a theological dispute in one Nonconformist congregation is such an attempt.

In June 1808, at the age of fourteen, Eunice Bathrick confessed her sins and joined the Shakers (also known as the Believers), a celibate religious community founded by Ann Lee in the late eighteenth century. Although largely unknown to modern scholars, Bathrick played many roles in the Shaker village of Harvard, Massachusetts, where she lived her entire Shaker life. A prolific visionist, a creative thinker, and a dedicated writer, she became an authoritative figure at Harvard and a symbol of the empowering opportunities for women found within the religious structure, particularly the spirituality, of Shakerism. Her work—in the form of an autobiography, several biographies, visions and spirit messages, oral histories, hymn collections, and a web of correspondence with other Shakers and the outside world—provides a unique opportunity to study both this interrelationship between gender, spirituality, and female empowerment in Shaker communities and Bathrick's own individual spiritual journey as a Shaker sister.

When in the spring of 1817 the thirty-seven-year-old Scottish minister, Thomas Chalmers, descended upon London, the world's greatest metropolis was transfixed. The four benefit sermons that Chalmers preached between 14 May and 25 May produced electrifying results. “All the world wild about Dr. Chalmers,” wrote William Wilberforce in his diary. At the sermon for the Hibernian Society, which distributed Bibles to the Irish poor, Viscount Castlereagh, moving British spirit at the Congress of Vienna, and the future prime minister George Canning were visibly moved. For his final appearance the throng was so intense that Chalmers, arriving shortly before he was to preach, could neither get into the church nor, at first, convince the crowd that he was the preacher, so far did his nondescript appearance fall short of his grand reputation. When friends inside finally recognized Chalmers, they secured his entrance by having him walk on a plank through an open window up to the pulpit itself.