By the end of 1990, at least three hundred Aboriginal and Islander people had graduated in South Australian tertiary institutions, from associate diploma level and above. In 1990, the annual graduation rate surpassed forty, the great majority at three-year level or above, including at least one Honours, one doctorate and graduates in architecture and law. The eight-fold increase in graduate numbers over the total up to 1980 reflects the active presence on campuses of Aboriginal/Islander-oriented support services and, even more so, of preparation programs: some three-quarters of all graduates had participated in some form of supplementary preparation.

Otitis Media or middle ear infection is more common in Australian Aboriginal children than in any other population. The associated hearing loss causes added learning difficulties for these children particularly when learning a second language.

We are all aware of the results of numerous prevalence surveys taken over the past 25 years which suggest that 25 - 50% of all Aboriginal children in school classrooms are likely to be suffering a significant hearing loss at any one time (Neinhuys, 1988; Quinn 1983; Stuart et al., 1972, 1973; Willis, 1985). The incidence of infection varies from place to place and seasonally as well. In some school populations as many as 54% of children have been shown to have significant hearing loss (Quinn, 1985). There is a widely held view that a fluctuating conductive hearing loss over a long period of time can prove to have serious implications on the child’s developing behaviour, language competence and educational performance.

The Aboriginal/Islander population of Queensland was calculated by the 1981 census to be greater than 44,000 (Department of Aboriginal Affairs, 1984, p.11). However, for a slightly later estimate, the Annual Report of the Queensland Department of Aboriginal and Islander Advancement records a figure of 60,000 (Department of Aboriginal and Islander Advancement, 1984, p.l). Both of these figures could be substantially correct given a possibility that some Aboriginal people may not identify themselves as such on census returns. Whatever the reason for the difference in the figures, a total of some 50,000 is most likely conservative for the present time. This figure converts to a percentage of slightly over 2% of the Queensland population being Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander. Of the 50,000 Aboriginal/Islander population some 24% are Torres Strait Islanders (Department of Aboriginal Affairs, 1984, p.11).

In the first issue of The Aboriginal Child at School last year, we described the theoretical framework for considering factors contributing to the school success of Aboriginal children as presented in Aboriginal Futures : Review of Research and developments and Related Policies in the Education of Aborigines (Watts, 1981).

The philosophical basis for this consideration is well worth stating again:

Throughout this exploration of the education of Aborigines the view is taken that school success means success in achieving the full range of goals envisaged in the establishment of schools and the determination of their programs:

The San are Southern Africa's first indigenous peoples. They can be found in South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. The San peoples in Botswana still face discrimination, especially in the education sector, as their indigenous literacy and way of life are largely ignored. Their languages are not part of the school curriculum in Botswana and it is English (the official language) and Setswana (the national language) that are taught in schools. In theory, this should not be the case. This highly disadvantages San children as they underperform and drop out of school. Hence, very few have made it to the University of Botswana and the Colleges of Education. In order for Botswana to reach its aim of an educated and informed nation by 2016, San peoples need to be catered for in the education system of Botswana. This article is an integrative review about the San of Botswana and (1) explains what has been studied about the San with regard to their indigenous ways of knowing and reading the world; (2) gives a clear picture of their formal schooling experiences; and, (3) provides an overview of their English and Setswana language acquisition.

Mr. Barker has built upon an element of the Van Leer approach to provide a stimulating and meaningful set of lesson experiences for his students of all ages. The program has had unexpected and delightful results both in and out of school.

We, as teachers, usually find it difficult to accept the oral language patterns that some of our pupils bring to school. “We are prone to inject an element of morality into our pseudo-standard of English.” (Cheney 1976, p.58).

As Hall (1959) so ably comments, “Our native speech is inextricably bound to our perception of friends, community, religion, nation and other peoples.”

Basically, non-standard dialects are viewed either as a deficit form of standard English or a different but equal language system. These are basically the two main models. Wolfram (1973, p.68) says that, in the deficit model, speech differences are viewed and described with reference to a norm and deviation from that norm. The control group norm is, of course, middle-class speech or standard English. Nonconformity to this norm is seen as an indication of retarded language acquisition or under-developed language. Nonstandard dialects are considered as the pathology of non-organic speech deficiencies, and the patterns of these dialects are labelled with such terms as ‘misarticuiations’; ‘deviations’; ‘replacements’; ‘faulty pronunciations’ and the like.

The ‘difference’ model sees non-standard dialects as self-contained systems in their own rights. They have their own phonological and grammatical rules and are equally legitimate both socially and psychologically, as well as being syntactically functionally equivalent to standard English.

The role of the non-Indigenous educator and researcher in education on Indigenous issues is becoming the subject of critical scrutiny. Indigenous academics are successfully turning the gaze on non-Indigenous peers and practices. This paper narrates some of the experiences of a non-Indigenous educator teaching an undergraduate elective Indigenous tourism course. The educator has attempted to respect the principles of an evolving Indigenist paradigm in the development, running and review of the course. In particular, the educator consulted with Indigenous academics and leaders in the development of the course and its curriculum; privileged Indigenous voices throughout the curriculum (in readings, audio-visuals, guest lectures and tutorial exercises); and facilitated student interaction with the local Indigenous community and land.

My work as a non-Indigenous educator in the new academic field of tourism studies is currently pivotally important because Indigenous academics are not yet asserting their claim to this field. In my attempts to adhere to an Indigenist paradigm I aim to create important opportunities to ensure appropriate discourse and encourage Indigenous academics into the field. In relation to appropriate discourse and learning, student feedback so far indicates important transformations in consciousness are occurring. However, the problematic of the non-Indigenous educator speaking for Indigenous peoples as “essentialised Others” remains a key concern. While the tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous in the conduct of Indigenous education are real and important, this work in the teaching of Indigenous tourism suggests that the resolution of tensions require alliances and shifts in power.

Firstly let me introduce myself to you. My name is Irene Calgaret. I am an Aboriginal of the Nyungar people from Bunbury, Western Australia. I attend Edith Cowan University, Bunbury as a first-year student, studying English as my major.

I am the mother of three lovely daughters and the grand-mother of four wonderful grand-sons. I have been a nurse for 25 years, employed at local Government and private hospitals, and at various other small, country town hospitals in our very large state of Western Australia.

In considering the role of tutors of Aboriginal and Islander students at secondary school, the fundamental question is, “What can tutors do to help students that isn’t being done by teachers in schools?” Of course, working with students on a one-to-one basis or in small groups will be seen as an obvious advantage of the tutoring system. However, it alone is not enough, and tutors need to develop specific skills and expertise if they are to help Aboriginal and Islander students to negotiate, and achieve in, an imperfect system that is, I believe, inappropriate and even alien to many Aborigines and Islanders.

In the first issue of The Aboriginal Child at School extracts from the Report were presented to show the rationale of the bilingual education program and the major recommended model, showing progression in the use in the school of both the Aboriginal and the English languages.

The extracts below show the Advisory Group’s conception of the teaching team, and of the separate but complementary roles of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal teaching members.

There are many benefits gained by employing Aboriginal Teacher Aides. These include:

1. (a) The employment of such people as Yvonne Walker at this school, to undertake work of an experimental nature, in teaching untried courses in language to Aboriginal children.

(b) The self-respect gained by Aboriginal people in working with teachers in responsible organizations.

(c) The decreased reliance on Social Services and consequent upsurge in desire to obtain responsible positions. (One Aboriginal person recently asked me if the Police Department have aides).

(d) The efforts made by employed aides to attempt to standardize their social interaction through accepting norms in dress and general conduct.

Before the arrival of Europeans in Aotearoa, New Zealand and their subsequent settlement in the 1800s, there was no concept of a Māori identity. Over time, however, as a result of rapid colonisation, Māori became a minority population in New Zealand. Consequently, the term Māori as normal or usual, began to lose its meaning (Webber, 2008), and another meaning began to emerge based on contrasts with the Pākehā settler population. This paper explores the complex and increasingly diverse nature of Māori identities in contemporary Aotearoa/New Zealand, including contemporary early childhood contexts. It discusses the importance of negotiating the terrains of cultural knowledge, values and understandings in order to define what ‘being Māori’ means for teachers and children in an increasingly diverse and complex settings.