Prehistorians frequently must depend on archaeological evidence alone in forming judgments. It is evident from prehistoric studies, however, that difficulties are likely to arise when archaeological evidence is credited as being, of itself, a completely adequate basis for reconstructing every aspect of prehistory. This paper outlines the challenge that historical and linguistic evidence have posed to one explanation based solely on archaeological data. The problem concerns the ethnic identity of the so-called Laurentian Iroquois, who inhabited the St. Lawrence Valley in the 16th century. The archaeological material from this period has been identified as “Onondaga” or “Onondaga-Oneida,” but the vocabularies that were collected by early explorers in this area do not appear to be those of any of the languages of the Five Nations Iroquois. This particular confrontation of archaeological and linguistic evidence has resulted, not in the confirmation of current archaeological theories, but in the awareness of a broader range of alternative hypotheses than has been entertained hitherto.

In definitions of the postglacial readaptation in eastern North America, attempts have been made to apply a single standard to the entire area. Such definitions are inadequate since a number of environmental zones existed in the region during late glacial and early postglacial times. These consisted of a periglacial zone with a fairly high carrying capacity supporting a cold-climate hunting adaptation; a zone of closed boreal forest with a relatively low carrying capacity; and a region of broadleaf and southern forests with a relatively high carrying capacity for a mixed gathering-and-hunting base. In the southeast there is a gradual transition from formally defined Paleo-Indian to Archaic culture, although both groups, if separation is possible, had potentially the same subsistence base. In the northeast there is a low population density hiatus between two periods of higher population density.

This paper deals with the results of the author"s attempts to replicate the obsidian polyhedral cores and prismatic blades of Mesoamerica. Blades have been produced by the direct percussion, indirect percussion, and pressure methods. The pressure method using a chest crutch and a clamp produces cores and blades which are true replicas of aboriginal specimens. The importance of preforming the core and of platform preparation is stressed, and it is pointed out that, usually, actual removal of the blade offers few problems. However, to produce exhausted cores which show the perfection of aboriginal specimens and a large series of nearly identical blades requires good muscular coordination, high quality material, the establishment of patterns or rhythms of motor habits, and the absence of distractions. The author also discusses the difficulties of recovering from mistakes in manufacture.

High-speed photography of prismatic blade removal, at 5,000 frames per second, has helped illustrate the behavior of the material and of the stoneworker. These photographs also indicate that under the present experimental and photographic conditions the author (Crabtree) is able to remove a prismatic blade from a core in about 1,250th of a second.

A review of previous systems for describing the disposal of the dead reveals basic inconsistencies in terminology and logic. A new classification is proposed that not only utilizes concepts and terminology wherever possible but also attempts to eliminate non-mutually exclusive categories and ambiguous terminology. The system is summarized in outline form to facilitate the use of the scheme as a field checklist during the excavation of burials.

The content and interpretation of the Olmec bas-reliefs at Chalcatzingo are discussed in this paper. This reanalysis shows that some of the most important carvings have apparently been misinterpreted in the past. Information concerning a new carving, previously unreported, is presented, and a reaffirmation of the contemporaneity of the Chalcatzingo carvings with Olmec Gulf Coast reliefs is made. Chalcatzingo is suggested as an important Middle Preclassic religious and trade center.

Three marine-shell masks, one with a removable nose and two with nonremovable noses, were excavated by two local residents from a location in the Mississippi River Valley in Pike County, Illinois. These were found in association with other items. Information pertaining to the reported provenience of the artifacts is discussed, and the typological characteristics of the masks are described. It is suggested that the masks and associated materials were part of a ceremonial kit and that they date from the same time level as similar finds reported in the eastern United States.

An investigation of the relationship between water-level fluctuations and Northern Ojibwa community life has led to the discovery of a pictograph which offers useful evidence for dating.

A dugout canoe, with a rounded stern configuration, flat bottom, and no thwarts or seats, is reported from the Ottawa Valley in eastern Ontario, Canada. Its existence since the earliest settlement of the nearby village of Beachburg makes it probable that construction was before A.D. 1900.

Loma Lasca, a coastal site near the mouth of the Santa Valley, Peru, produced an abundance of large primary flakes. Investigation of the midden suggested that these were used for the scaling and cleaning of fish.

In a review of the report on the Shoup Rockshelters in East Central Idaho, Richard Forbis used typology to question stratigraphy and early dates for side-notched points. The points are parallel, obliquely flaked, and have an age comparable to those at a number of sites in the West. Correlation of natural deposits was based on the character and origin of the sediments, fluorine analysis of bone, rock-fall counts, and radiocarbon dates.

The use of dry-cleaning tags has minimized the possibility of mixing archaeologically recovered material during cleaning and sorting in the laboratory.

An ordinance to protect archaeological sites, adopted by Marin County, California, is described, and its potential significance on a broader level is discussed.

Two recent articles in this journal misidentify a theoretical orientation and then contrast this misidentification with another orientation. Archaeology does not gain in this way.

Specifications are given for the construction and use of two types of excavation sifters.

The paper “Grand Canyon Dam, Split-Twing Figurines, and ‘Hit-and-Run Archaeology,’ ” by Stephen C. Jett, which appeared in the July 1968 number of American Antiquity is replied to relative to the importance of “salvage” as opposed to “hit-and-run” archaeology, the fallacy of assuming archaeological knowledge on the basis of numbers of sites recorded in a region, and the value of proper popularization of archaeological data.

A living-site including human bones, bone midden, and artifacts has been discovered in sediments of mid-Pinedale age at the Marmes Rockshelter archaeological site in southeastern Washington. Radiocarbon dates, from sediments overlying the buried flood-plain surface on which these bones occur, show them to be older than 11,000 years. Geomorphic relationships suggest that the site may be younger than about 13,000 years.