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Women in Japanese Local Politics: From Voters to Activists to Politicians

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 May 2025

Yasuo Takao
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“I think that we need to elect female representatives to national assemblies to address women's issues and into local assemblies to help solve community problems surrounding children and the family.” Ichikawa Fusae

“Increasing the number of female representatives alone will neither change politics nor increase the autonomy of the local community. Women who belong to existing parties and organizations that pursue vested interests have been unable to change the political system. It is broadly citizen-based independent female representatives who are given a free hand … who can make a difference.” Teramichi Midori

Type
Research Article
Information
Asia-Pacific Journal , Volume 6 , Issue 1 , January 2008 , e24
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Copyright © The Authors 2008

References

Notes

1. A passage from Ichikawa Fusae's note, “The Flower of Radish,” cited in Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Foundation (IFMF), ed., Ichikawa Fusae Seiji Sanga Senta de Manabu 47-nin no Chosen (47 Challengers Who Studied at the Promotion Center for Women's Political Participation) (Tokyo: Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Foundation, 2002), p. 98.

2. Teramachi Midori, “Shiminha Seiji to Josei Giin” (Citizen-based Politics and Women Representatives), Toshi Mondai, Vol. 97, No. 1 (January 2006), p. 17.

3. Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association (IFMA), ed., Local Assemblies, Handbook of Data on Japanese Women in Political Life, 2003 (Tokyo： The Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association, 2003), pp. 123-25.

4. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), ed., Human Development Report 2005 (New York: UNDP, 2005). The UNDP developed these indices: the HDI measures the degree of human capabilities with the three basic criteria of ‘healthy lifestyle allowing longevity,' ‘knowledge' and ‘average living standard.' It also indicates the degree of human capabilities while deducting for disparities between men and women as a penalty; and the GEM evaluates the degree of women's capabilities to participate in economic and political activities, with specific measurements including the ratio of income earned by women, the ratio of women specialists and managers, and the ratio of women parliamentarians.

5. Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), Women in National Parliaments (2006); site last accessed March 2006.

6. Adopted from surveys conducted by the Cabinet Office of Japan in May 1979 (8,239 respondents), September 1997 (3,574 respondents), and November 2004 (3,502 respondents).

7. Japan, Prime Minister's Office, Public Relations (PR), Josei ni kansuru Yoron Chosa (Opinion Survey on Women), September 1991.

8. Japan, Cabinet Office, Gender Equality Bureau (GEB), Josei no Seisaku Hoshin Kettei Sankaku Jokyo Shirabe (Report on the State of Gender Equality Policies and Measures to Promote the Formation of a Gender Equal Society) (2006); site last accessed October 2006.

9. Robert Darcy and Sarah S. Schramm “When Women Run against Men,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Spring 1977), pp. 1-12; Elizabeth Vallance, Women in the House: A Study of Women Members of Parliament (London: Athlone Press, 1979); Jonathan Kelley and Ian McAllister “The Electoral Consequences of Gender in Australia,” British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 13, No. 3 (July 1983), pp. 365-77.

10. See, for example, Robert Darcy, Susan Welch, and Janet Clark, Women, Election, and Representation (New York: Longman, 1987).

11. See, for example, Pippa Norris, “Women's Legislative Participation in Western Europe,” in Women and Politics in Western Europe, ed. Sylvia Bashevkin (London: Frank Cass, 1985), pp. 95-99; Joyce Gelb, Feminism and Politics: A Comparative Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). A single-member district tends to produce the phenomenon of “incumbency advantage,” facilitate a standard candidate, that is, a middle-aged man from a middle income family, and cause a direct confrontation among candidates for winning a single seat. See Susan Welch and Donley Studlar, “Multi-Member Districts and the Representation of Women: Evidence from Britain and the United States,” Journal of Politics, Vol. 52, No. 2 (May 1990), pp. 391-412; Elizabeth Vallance, “Women Candidates in the 1983 General Election,” Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 37, No. 3 (1984), pp. 301-9.

12. Comprising 2-14 seats in each district.

13. Ray Christensen, “The Impact of Electoral Rules in Japan,” in Democracy and the Status of Women in East Asia, eds., Rose J. Lee and Cal Clark (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000), pp. 25-46.

14. It is characteristic of local assembly members in post WWII Japan that independents accounted for 30 to 40 percent in local assemblies. It is thus unrealistic to introduce a party-based proportional representation system at the local level.

15. It is important to note that the single nontransferable vote is used in the large-sized multi-member districts at Japan's local elections and thus findings in Britain and the Unites States cannot be directly applied to those in Japan.

16. The figures in this section are provided by Local Administration Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications and Secretariat, House of Representatives.

17. The figures in this section are provided by, Japan, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIAC), Local Administration Bureau.

18. Mitsui Mariko and et al., “Josei no Seiji Sanga to Dairinin Undo” (Women' Political Participation and Representative Authorization Campaign), Shakai Undo, No. 233 (1999), pp. 2-26.

19. Mitsui and et al., “Josei no Seiji Sanga to Dairinin Undo,” p. 7.

20. The Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Foundation was established in 1962 to “provide political education for women, propagate ideal and fine elections, and build the foundation of Japan's democracy.”

21. Kubo Kimiko, Interview by the author on April 20, 2006; Yamaguchi Mitsuko, Interview by the author on April 21, 2006.

22. Kubo Kimiko, Interview by the author on April 20, 2006.

23. IFMF, ed., Ichikawa Fusae Seiji Sanga Senta de Manabu 47-nin no Chosen, p. 11.

24. IFMF, ed., Ichikawa Fusae Seiji Sanga Senta de Manabu 47-nin no Chosen, p. 6.

25. IFMF, ed., Ichikawa Fusae Seiji Sanga Senta de Manabu 47-nin no Chosen, p. 11. In 1993 then Japan New Party Diet Woman En Yoriko launched a series of lectures called ‘Politics School for Women' given by nonpartisan well-known politicians.

26. Fujin Tenbo, “Josei no Gikai Shinshitsu Shien Kusanone Gurupu” (Grassroots Groups for Promoting Women to Assemblies), (March 1998), pp. 4-6; Kubo Kimiko, Interview with the author on April 20, 2006; Yamaguchi Mitsuko, Interview with the author on April 21, 2006.

27. This section is based on Ogai, “Josei Mogi Kaigi to Iu Josei Seisaku,” pp. 116-18.

28. Yamaguchi Mitsuko, Interview with the author on April 21, 2006.

29. Yamaguchi Mitsuko, Interview by the author on April 21, 2006.

30. JJ-Net News, August 10, 1996.

31. Domoto Akiko, “JJ Junen no Ayumi” (Developments in the Decade of JJ) in the Introduction of the compiled issue of JJ-Net News, Vol. 301 (January 12, 2001)-Vol. 404 (June 29, 2004).

32. JJ-Net News, March 2, 2001.

33. JJ-Net News, March 2, 2001.

34. Mitsui, M. and et al., “Josei no Seiji Sanga to Dairinin Undo,” p. 7: Women and Politics Campaign Office (WPCO), Women and Politics Campaign 1999 Reportï¼^ TokyoｚWomen and Politics Campaign Office, 1999.

35. WPCO, Women and Politics Campaign 1999 Report.

36. Iwamoto Misako, “1999-nen Chiho Senkyo ni okeru Josei no Yakushin” (Women's Advances in the 1999 Local Elections), Seisaku Kagaku, Vol. 8, No. 3 (February 2001), pp. 21-38.

37. IFMA, Local Assemblies, Handbook of Data on Japanese Women in Political Life, 2003; Tokyo Citizens' Network (TCN), Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto (Citizens' Networking for Changing the Metropolitan Governance) (Tokyo: Tokyo Citizens' Network, 2004).

38. Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association (IFMA), Local Assemblies, Handbook of Data on Japanese Women in Political Life, 1999 (Tokyo: The Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association, 1999).

39. IFMA, Local Assemblies, Handbook of Data on Japanese Women in Political Life, 1999.

40. IFMA, Local Assemblies, Handbook of Data on Japanese Women in Political Life, 1999.

41. Robin M. LeBlanc, Bicycle Citizens: The Political World of the Japanese Housewife (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 127-30.

42. Nakamura Eiko, Interview with the author on April 26, 2006.

43. Tokyo Citizens' Network (TCN), Roteshon Giin ga Machi o Tsukuru (Rotation Representatives Build the Town) (Tokyo: TCN, 2003), p. 5.

44. This section is largely based on author's interview with Tokyo Citizens' Network Secretary-General, Nakamura Eiko, April 26, 2006.

45. Tokyo Citizens' Network (TCN), Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto (Citizens' Networking for Changing the Metropolitan Governance) (Tokyo: TCN, 2004), p. 53.

46. TCN, Roteshon Giin ga Machi o Tsukuru, p. 1; TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, p. 46.

47. TCN, Roteshon Giin ga Machi o Tsukuru, p. 1.

48. Nakamura Eiko, Interview with the author on April 26, 2006.

49. TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, p. 45.

50. Nakamura Eiko, Interview by the author on April 26, 2006.

51. TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, p. 44. In 2003 only 139 ordinance bills were proposed by assembly-members at all the 47 prefectural assemblies; by contrast, 3,235 ordinance bills were initiated by prefectural governors. In March 2004, after attending the training workshops, TCN assembly-women along with residents were able to draft and pass an Underground Water Preservation Ordinance at the Koganei City Assembly.

52. Iwamoto, “1999-nen Chiho Senkyo ni okeru Josei no Yakushin,” p. 27.

53. This section draws on author's interview with Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association Secretary-General, Kubo Kimiko, April 20, 2006 and with Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association Executive Director, Yamaguchi Mitsuko, April 21, 2006.

54. This section is based on TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, pp. 12-13; Nakamura Eiko, Interview by the author on April 26, 2006.

55. TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, p. 13; Tokyo Citizens' Network (TCN), Tokyo Seikastusha Netowaku no Yobikake: Kihon Seisaku (Appeal by Tokyo Citizens' Network: Basic Policies) (Tokyo: TCN, 2003), p. 19.

56. Community Fund, “Machi ga Genki ni Naru Shikumi” (Mechanisms for Revitalizing the Town) (2003),; site last accessed April 2006.

57. Ecomesse, “Kankyo Machizukuri Ekomesse” (Environmental Town-Making, the Ecomesse) (2006); site last accessed April 2006.

58. Nakamura Eiko, Interview by the author on April 26, 2006.

59. TCN, Tosei o Kaeru Seikatsusha Netowaku no Shigoto, p. 53.

60. Japan, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Soumusho no Seisaku (Policies by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication; site last accessed January 2008.

61. The figures are provided by Japan, Ministry of International Affairs and Communications. However, note that about 98.8 percent of major cities have set the actual number of their municipal assemblies seats lower than the nationally defined maximum number. See Zenkoku Shigikai Junpo, April 25, 2003 (No. 1506).

62. Yamaguchi Mitsuko, Interview with the author on December 14, 2007.

63. Fujin Tenbo, “Toitsu Chiho Senkyo o Kaerimite” (Review of the Unified Local Elections), (August 2007), p. 6.

64. Fujin Tenbo, “Dai Jyurokkai Toitsu Chiho Senkyo Tokoshu” (Special Report on the Sixteenth Unified Local Election), (May 2007), pp. 5-7.

65. The figures are provided by the Tokyo Citizens' Network.

66. Nakamura Eiko, Interview with the author on December 14, 2007.

67. Anne Phillips, Which Equality Matter? (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999).

68. Joni Lovenduski, Feminizing Politics (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2005).