This chapter focuses on a novel transnational governance initiative which was developed after the 2013 Rana Plaza crisis: the Bangladesh Accord on Fire and Building Safety. We focus on one particularly novel aspect of the Accord, which is the nature of the collective action created through the collaboration of over 200 signatory brands with global labour actors. We first identify the institutional design features including transnational co-determination, industry-wide, pre-competitive collaboration, legally enforceable commitment, developing worker voice, leverage through collective action, accountability through collective oversight, pooling of resources and, finally, the highly focused approach. While successful in improving safety in the industry, we also highlight the political nature of collective private regulation and the political backlash from national actors which ultimately ended its regulatory power.

This chapter traces Latin America’s labor movement’s long, tumultuous struggle for workers’ rights, equity, and democracy through periods of corporatism, authoritarian rule, neoliberalism, and contemporary left- and right-wing populist governments. This chapter argues that, while segments of Latin America’s labor movements have, at times, collaborated with autocratic elites, a significant share of labor leaders and members have fought for democratization not out of perceived partisan advantage, but rather out of commitment to the principles of liberal democracy – and labor has often realized that commitment by strengthening democracy. This chapter examines theoretical debates on labor and democracy and labor’s role in the struggle for democratization and equity during crucial periods in regime formation and transition in Latin America.

Unlike many studies of compliance with civil rights laws, this is a success story – at least in part. The vast majority of the organizations in this study complied with the Lactation at Work Law and created effective accommodations for their lactating employees. This success is mitigated by the amount of employee power; the presence of allies within management; whether the workplace structure includes accessible private spaces; and whether the organizational culture both embraces a norm of flexibility and acknowledges the legitimacy of the Lactation at Work Law and its accommodations. Nevertheless, workplace lactation accommodations can have the effect of reinforcing race and class inequalities: working-class and African American women are less likely to breastfeed; they more often work in jobs that are excluded from the Lactation at Work Law requirements and that provide minimal, if any, lactation accommodations; and they seldom hold enough power to demand necessary lactation accommodations. In addition, while this law successfully enables some women to combine employment and breastfeeding, it actually fails to advance workers’ rights. Moreover, ultimately, it may reinforce traditional gender roles by emphasizing working mothers’ maternal duties and weaken support for other pro–working-parent legislation, such as parental leave and on-site childcare.