In ageing societies, policy makers aim for more contact between informal and formal care-givers as it may enhance the quality of care. So far, the linkage between formal and informal care-givers is generally studied from a one-sided or a single dyadic perspective, without taking into account that care networks of community-dwelling older adults often exist of multiple informal and formal care-givers. The current study examines discussion of care between all potential informal–formal care-giver dyads in a care network, and relates this to characteristics of the older care recipient, the care network and the care-givers. Seventy-four Dutch older care recipients provided information on all care-givers who helped with five different types of tasks; 410 care-givers reported on the contact between all care-givers identified. Multi-level logistic regression was conducted in 2,150 informal–formal care-giver dyads and revealed that in 26 per cent of all these dyads discussion on care occurred. This was more likely when both care-givers performed multiple types of tasks, the informal care-giver was residing with the care recipient, and contact within the formal and the informal sub-network was higher. To enhance discussion of care between informal and formal care-givers in care networks where no discussion occurs at all, home-care organisations may need to allocate formal care-givers who form a bridge with an extra-residential care-giver of care recipients living alone.

This study examined how patients experience transitions to community from hospitals, inclusive of daily living problems and medical concerns. Analysing qualitative data from interviews with 36 individuals including 17 high-risk older adults with multiple chronic health conditions recently discharged from hospital, and 19 family members who provided the patients with ongoing care, we asked (1) What are the challenges that patients experience in transitioning home from the hospital, and (2) What are the system and policy solutions that can address the challenges these patients experience? Our findings reveal both short- and long-term challenges associated with transitions back home. Short-term challenges include preparing the dwelling for the patient and understanding the organization of care at home. Long-term challenges are associated with practical and emotional concerns. Reflecting on our findings, we suggest that patients’ social needs may be equally important to their medical needs during post-discharge recovery, and we discuss implications for policy.

Following the program I’m Taking Charge of My Arthritis!, study participants reported fewer functional limitations, less helplessness, and better coping effectiveness than did controls. This study examined the maintenance of these effects and the role of social reinforcement in maintaining benefits eight months post-intervention. The study collected information (1) at baseline (n=125); (2) two months later, before randomization (pre-intervention); (3) two months post-randomization (post-intervention 1); and (4) ten months post-randomization (post-intervention 2) (n=80). We conducted a randomized controlled trial comparing three groups: a control group, intervention group without social reinforcement, and intervention group with social reinforcement after the program. A multilevel analysis revealed that intervention participants with social reinforcement following the program continued to report significantly fewer functional limitations and greater coping effectiveness compared to intervention group participants without social reinforcement. This research provides preliminary evidence for the value of additional contact with frail housebound seniors post-intervention for maintaining the intervention benefits.

Frailty is a central concept in geriatric medicine, but without a clear definition. Many regard it as a syndrome with its own clinical manifestations and pathophysiology, whilst others consider it to be the result of the accumulation of age-related deficits that predict adverse changes in health. We analysed, through a systematic review, the definitions and markers of the frailty syndrome. Twenty-five articles were included and divided, according to design, into observational, intervention, review and qualitative studies. There was a predominance of operational definitions that used only physical markers to identify frailty. The only qualitative study found that health professionals chose a multidimensional definition that took into account factors other than just the physical. We conclude that there is still no standard definition or agreement about markers of the frailty syndrome.

A sample of frail older adults (65 years and over) living at home or institutionalized (n = 664) with a significant functional limitation was used to document predisposing and facilitating factors of severe psychological distress among frail elderly adults. Our results indicated that 48.2 per cent of the older adults living at home presented severe psychological distress symptoms, compared to 34.3 per cent of elderly adults living in institutions. The probability of reporting a severe level of psychological distress was associated with the respondents' social support, cognitive and functional status. When the respondents' cognitive and functional status were controlled, no evidence of a significant association was found between the respondents' age, gender, marital status, education or income and the level of their psychological distress symptoms. Our results showed that 77.9 per cent of the respondents with severe psychological distress symptoms were still severely distressed 12 months after their first interview. Findings suggest that severe psychological distress represents an important challenge for practitioners in gerontology and geriatrics. It is suggested that other studies focusing on the consequences of psychological distress on older adults' quality of life, functional decline, institutionalization and mortality may help document the gravity of this symptomatology in the elderly population.