What do Indigenous peoples have to tell us about the cultural landscapes they have created by their Indigenous knowledge. Human land-use changes impact physical and biological processes at different scales, creating a legacy of cultural footprints on the landscape. Indigenous populations have occupied the Americas for at least the last 30,000 years. They have adapted to an environment that had previously not been occupied by humans. Indigenous populations were seen by European colonizers in the 1400s as inferior people with no written language, primarily stone tools, and a different spiritual system and were therefore seen as having no sophisticated culture compared with the colonists’ European culture. Further European epidemic diseases caused major decreases in Indigenous populations and major destruction of their culture. This cultural destruction has continued into the twenty-first century. Indigenous peoples, however, had their own well-developed cultures that had created a large number of domesticated plants and had developed complex agricultural systems that supported large populations and increasingly sophisticated land-use and culture. This was all cut short by the arrival of European colonizers who could not recognize a culture different from their own. Today, we have started to understand the similarities and differences between the culture of science and that of Indigenous knowledge, which resulted from the development of both in isolation of the other. This book’s objective is to consider how Indigenous populations have lived and managed the American landscape. They have left a footprint that is a combination of their empirical knowledge and their spiritual culture.

Landscapes are important frames for understanding and bridging environmental perspectives, including between Indigenous and scientific knowledge systems. Landscapes are both “natural” and “cultural,” for, as Indigenous societies attest, all landscapes manifest the coevolutionary interplay of human and nonhuman forces.  We apply three integrated ecological lenses to analyze this interplay: historical ecology, ethno-ecology, and political ecology. Our case study is the Alsek-Dry Bay region of Southeast Alaska and Western Canada, at the intersection of the northern Tlingit and Athabaskan worlds. Historically an epicenter of astonishing geological dynamism and disruption, biological productivity and diversity, this landscape was also a mecca of cultural exchange, contestation, and appropriation. Ironically, the Alsek-Dry Bay landscape is now “preserved” as the center of a celebrated World Heritage Site based solely on its “natural” landscapes and “wilderness” character, and not for its Indigenous identity as a place of outstanding cultural significance – where the trickster-worldmaker Raven literally transformed the cosmos and topography – and the product of deep cultural-environmental histories. Bringing these ecological perspectives together enables a broader appreciation of the natural and cultural dynamism that has shaped such sites and of the enduring value and lessons of Indigenous knowledge systems that have coevolved with rapidly changing landscapes.

This introductory chapter unpacks and integrates the study’s key concepts, theories, and fields to situate the analyses laid out in subsequent chapters. It devotes detailed attention to the inextricable and co-constitutive relationships linking societies, environments, and power. It connects Afro-Brazilian cultures with the myths of racial democracy that helped to shape their emergence in the twentieth century. It discusses concepts of cultural landscapes within economies of transatlantic exchange, and links theories of relational power with Afro-Brazilian resistance and environmental change. It frames the colonial plantation and its monocultures as the ongoing socioecological framework of coloniality, in contrast to the complex biodiverse palm oil landscapes of Northeast Brazil. Along the way, the chapter introduces the real and conceptual places involved in the study, and their interrelations, especially Bahia, the Atlantic World, and the African diaspora. It concludes with a discussion of methods and methodology and an outline of the book’s structure.

Chapter 2 discusses early rice-cultivation strategies in South Carolina from the grain’s approximate introduction in 1685 to the end of the proprietary period in 1729. During this time, colonists transformed the grain from one of several experimental commercial ventures into the central cash crop of early-colonial South Carolina. This chapter also discusses the dynamic relationship of rice farming with topography and culture. European colonists began experimenting with rice cultivation alongside wheat and barley, as well as cotton and tobacco. At the same time, Africans' knowledgeable of growing rice made it thrive in wetland areas for the necessary subsistence gardens. By the turn of the eighteenth century, these two cultural interpretations of rice farming merged to produce grain on small-stream floodplains.At the heart of this chapter is an analysis of how both free and enslaved people used various topographies to cultivate a particular grain and the lasting results that evolved from the early plantation landscape.