Estas notas de investigación son el resultado de un proceso etnográfico accidental e involuntario realizado a lo largo de 2023 en el estado de Durango, en el norte de México. Son un análisis preliminar de la información recolectada sobre la evidente presencia del crimen organizado y sus efectos en la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos. La mayoría de los estudios sobre violencia en México —y América Latina— tienden a tratar situaciones de violencia extrema; o se enfocan en la población pobre y marginada, que sufre distintos tipos de opresión. Estas notas retratan una situación distinta en dos sentidos. Primero, surgen del trabajo de campo realizado en un entorno de aparente tranquilidad: Durango es actualmente uno de los estados más pacíficos del país, si se mide la paz por número de homicidios. Solo un centenar de personas son asesinadas anualmente, lo que es una anomalía en un país cruento, que reporta más de treinta mil muertes violentas cada año. Segundo, las notas emergen, principalmente, del testimonio de las clases medias y altas, segmentos de la población que también sufren las consecuencias de la violencia, pero que han sido largamente ignorados por la literatura. La investigación evidencia que el crimen organizado condiciona significativamente la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos que viven en paz, pero con miedo. Los grupos criminales perturban el trabajo y el ocio de los ciudadanos, así como su relación con el gobierno. Este estudio también reflexiona sobre cómo el crimen organizado repercute en el funcionamiento normal del Estado y la democracia liberal.

In 2013, people in Michoacán and Guerrero, especially from rural areas, armed themselves against criminal cartels. Although their movements emerged from comparable contexts, their leaders and organizational forms differed in ways that affected their tactics and targets, as well as the timing of de-escalation. Whereas Guerrero’s leaders understood their struggle as defensive, Michoacán’s leaders were businessmen who saw themselves engaged in an offensive campaign. This partly explains why fatalities were greater there than in Guerrero. I further demonstrate that movement fragmentation led to lethal violence, and their organizational forms also contributed to dynamics of escalation or de-escalation in ways not fully appreciated by scholars. Specifically, the organizational form of Michoacán’s patron-sponsored autodefensas made them more vulnerable to lethal violence than were Guerrero’s community-sponsored organizations.

Repressive state violence, intended to tamp down collective mobilisation, sometimes inspires greater participation by protesters. When popular and/or elite reactions cause the repressing party to concede, civil resistance scholars define the failure of state repression as ‘backfire’. Some have proposed that movements’ nonviolent discipline is essential to backfire. This article demonstrates that movements that practise ‘unarmed militancy’ – forceful, combative tactics less damaging than armed violence – can also succeed through backfire, achieving policy concessions and even presidential resignations, and presents a qualitative comparative analysis of the outcomes of 48 protest events with multiple deaths in Bolivia between 1982 and 2019, and a case-based analysis of how either movements or repressors prevailed. Movements that confronted deadly repression succeeded in 57–8 per cent of cases. Whether or not protesters engaged in lethal defensive violence did not affect their likelihood of success. However, state repression of guerrillas and paramilitary groups, and during polarised partisan conflicts, was consistently successful. Current understandings of backfire need to be reconsidered in light of successful unarmed militant protest in Bolivia and numerous other locations worldwide.

El siguiente artículo propone una revisión de los presupuestos temáticos y estructurales utilizados en las novelas de Lina Meruane Las infantas (1998) y Fruta podrida (2007), desde una perspectiva socioliteraria basada en algunas ideas desarrolladas por Slavoj Žižek en sus distintos análisis sobre la violencia, la ideología y el poder. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es descubrir si, a modo de actualización, Fruta podrida supone una reformulación de las premisas antisistema que movilizan a los personajes en torno a puntos centrales en ambas novelas como las corporalidades, la marginalidad o el exceso escatológico, entre otros.

Gangs are widely considered major contributors to the high levels of violence afflicting Latin America, including in particular Central America. At the same time, however, the vast majority of individuals who join a gang will also leave it and, it is assumed, become less violent. Having said this, the mechanisms underlying this ‘desistance’ process are not well understood, and nor are the determinants of individuals’ post-gang trajectories, partly because gang desistance tends to be seen as an event rather than a process. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research carried out in barrio Luis Fanor Hernández, a poor neighbourhood in Nicaragua's capital city Managua, and more specifically a set of ‘archetypal’ gang member life histories that illustrate the occupational options open to former gang members, this article offers a longitudinal perspective on desistance and its consequences, with specific reference to the determinants of individuals’ continued engagement with violence (or not).

Globally, questions have been asked on how police utilized additional powers created to manage the spread of the COVID-19 virus without negatively impacting police legitimacy. This was particularly a concern in countries that had hitherto recorded high incidents of police misconduct prior to the emergence of the pandemic. Using a victim-centered approach, a qualitative study was conducted to examine the dimensions of unlawful use of force, human rights violations, and other police misconduct which prevailed during the enforcement of the COVID-19 lockdown in Nigeria. In all, 82 interviews with victims of police violence were conducted, and a thematic analysis of the narratives was carried out. Findings indicate negative perceptions of police legitimacy to intervene in public health crises. In building better community relations that will engender public compliance with police directives, the police authority is advised to purge itself of its militarized system, with officers undergoing procedural justice training and imbibing its principles.

Nicaragua is often held up as an exception within the Central American panorama of criminal violence, widely presented as the safest country in the region due to its particular revolutionary legacies, the (supposed) absence of transnational gangs and drug-trafficking organisations, and the National Police's representation as an efficient and professional force. This commentary proposes an alternative reading of Nicaragua's contemporary political economy of violence in order to reveal the profoundly misleading nature of this prevalent view. In particular, it highlights how Nicaragua is governed through a particular political ‘settlement’ underpinned by drug trafficking, police and judicial corruption, as well as ‘mafia state’ governance. These factors have coalesced to establish a highly efficient and engrained ‘narco-state’ whose undoing is unlikely in the short term.

Criminal violence in Latin American cities is increasing. Meanwhile, with urbanization, greater numbers of people are moving to cities and into the crossfire. What self-protection strategies do residents adopt to keep safe in violent cities? Drawing on qualitative data from Medellín, Colombia, and Monterrey, Mexico, we document the strategies residents use to stay safe. We synthesize insights from studies of civil war, criminal governance, and urban violence to construct an analytical framework to systematically catalog and name these strategies. We posit that the type of violence residents face—indiscriminate or targeted—influences the strategies they pursue. Responding to either the indiscriminate or targeted form, residents employ survival strategies to avoid, withstand, or confront violence. Our research underscores the centrality of agency for residents’ “staying power” amid urban violence.

In many developing countries where formal institutions fail to guarantee rule of law, criminal organisations have emerged as intermediaries between citizens and the state. In some cases, these armed non-state actors adopt repressive strategies to govern their territories and local populations. This study asks under what circumstances local actors mobilise against criminal governance. Focusing on the case of Michoacán, Mexico, I argue that the emergence of vigilante groups, known as autodefensas, was prompted by the breaching of a social contract – a set of formal and informal agreements and obligations – between organised crime and civil society. As criminal governance spread in Michoacán, so did predatory behaviour against local communities, which gave way to an elite-organised social movement structured by rural inequalities.

The Inca expansion to the southern Andes catalyzed important political and symbolic changes in local communities. In addition to economic changes in mining production and the installation of logistical and administrative infrastructure, new forms of ideological violence emerged in the Copiapó Valley, Chile. One new form was the display and discarding of human heads, a burial pattern unprecedented in the region. In this article, we present evidence of perforated heads buried without grave goods next to a local cemetery in a Late Horizon village. We argue that the performative use of modified severed heads from young individuals at the Iglesia Colorada site was part of Inca ritual practices. Their use represented an effort to ideologically rule over newly incorporated subjects by demonstrating power and ensuring their compliance.

“Structural violence” is a term used to describe inflicted systematic violence on a disenfranchised group by an established order, usually framed as a government or the social majority. The disenfranchised groups are marginalized and not provided with the same access to resources such as healthcare or food, the effects of which can be observed directly in their death. Bioarchaeologists often can detect the visible effects of this violence on skeletal remains, which provide a visual representation to and reinforcement of social prejudices inflicted in life and death. Discussed here is how the same concept of structural violence can be inflicted on the landscape through damage to or obliteration of cemeteries. We propose a definition of “landscape structural violence” exhibited through cemetery erasure as a reinforcement of preexisting social prejudices in death where the governments or the social majority, intentionally or passively, destroy, remove, or obscure a cemetery without consultation with the descendant community. This definition is applied to several examples of New Orleans cemeteries to determine the functionality of the definition and what activity is and what is not structural violence inflicted on the landscape.

Substance use in adolescence relates to other problems such as involvement in violence and mental/physical health problems. This study aimed to identify substance use patterns in a considerable sample of Brazilian adolescents and to estimate the magnitude of the relationship between each pattern and violence involvement indicators, as aggressor and/or as victim, and of mental and general health. The data analyzed were collected from 6702 schoolchildren, within the scope of the National Survey of School Health, employing latent class analysis for reports of alcohol, tobacco, marijuana and crack cocaine use. The five groups identified were compared regarding their involvement in violence and mental and general health aspects. Abstainers (18%) would neither make use of substances, nor be involved in violence or display health problems. Drinkers (26%) would tend to only make use of alcohol, but would not display the other problems either. Conventional Drug Users (28%) would tend to make use of alcohol and tobacco or alcohol and marijuana and would also be involved in violence, but would not display health problems. Polysubstance Users (23%) would tend to make use of alcohol, tobacco and marijuana and would be more frequently involved in violence. Hard Drug Users (5%) would tend to make frequent use of all substances in addition to also being more involved in violence, both as aggressor and victim, and would display mental/general health problems. Our findings reveal different levels of problems and reinforce the importance of varied prevention/treatment policies in order to meet specific demands.

A number of scholars have analysed lynching in Latin America as a response to the recent upsurge in insecurity and crime in the region. This article turns our attention to historical and deeper socio-political undercurrents behind this practice. Drawing on several cases of lynching that took place in post-revolutionary Puebla, the article argues that, rather than signalling state absence, the occurrence of lynching expressed communities’ reactions towards a state presence that was perceived as intrusive and illegitimate. It furthermore shows that lynchings emulated the brutality and visibility of extralegal forms of violence perpetrated by public officials at the local level.

Criminological research usually directs its focus at traditional forms of offending. The purpose of this article is to discuss the extent to which traditional criminological theories can be used to understand a modern form of terrorism. The main issue to explain is why young men and women from a Western European country, such as Sweden, are joining Daesh in Iraq and Syria. The conclusion is that many criminology theories are useful to analyse the factors behind the affiliation to Daesh. The majority of those recruited into this organization have in many respects a similar background to individuals recruited to other forms of serious organized violent crimes. It should be noted that many of the theories discussed in the paper are more relevant for the understanding of why men join Daesh. When it comes to the recruitment of women these theories’ explanatory value is more limited. However, this applies also to these theories’ ability to explain female crime in general.

This article analyses the history of the military clergy and contrasts its role in the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships on the basis of new, previously inaccessible sources. It is argued here that, in addition to its ideological orientation, two further factors explain differences in the influence of the military clergy on the two regimes: first, the structural position that the Military Vicariates occupied between the Church and the armed forces, and, second, the two dictatorships’ different needs for legitimisation. The analysis provides information relevant to understanding the public role of the Catholic Church and the dimensions of violence during the regimes.

Based on 30 months of collaborative fieldwork in a poor neighbourhood in Buenos Aires, Argentina, this paper scrutinises the multiple uses of violence among residents and the concatenations between private and public forms of physical aggression. Much of the violence reported here resembles that which has been dissected by students of street violence in the United States – that is, it is the product of interpersonal retaliation and remains encapsulated in dyadic exchanges. However, by casting a wider net to include other forms of aggression (not only criminal but also sexual, domestic and intimate) that take place inside and outside the home, and that intensely shape the course of poor people's daily lives, the paper argues that diverse forms of violence among the urban poor (a) serve more than just retaliatory purposes, and (b) link with one another beyond dyadic relationships.

Las urgencias psiquiátricas se acompañan a menudo por perturbaciones del comportamiento que interfieren la evaluación normal y requieren intervención inmediata. Se han utilizado regímenes de tratamiento farmacológico diferentes para este propósito. La mayoría de estos regímenes se basan en la práctica clínica común y tienen una base probatoria limitada. Hace poco, una publicación importante de expertos en el campo de la psiquiatría de urgencias ha cubierto este asunto y se ha extendido el arsenal terapéutico con los antipsicóticos atípicos. Sin embargo, diferentes limitaciones metodológicas obstaculizan todavía la investigación: una definición poco clara del estado agitado y la meta terapéutica, la medición idiosincrasica y el pequeño tamaño de las muestras. La perspectiva del paciente y la interacción entre el entorno asistencial de urgencias y el regimen de tratamiento requieren también más atención. Todos estos aspectos importantes, pero olvidados a menudo, se cubren en una revisión selectiva de las publicaciones.

Se evaluó la conducta agresiva en pacientes psiquiátricos hospitalizados antes y después de un curso de formación para los miembros del personal. Se utilizó la Escala de Disfunción Social y Agresión (SDAS) para comunicar y evaluar la conducta agresiva con el paso del tiempo, y la Escala de Observatión de la Agresión para el Personal (SOAS) para comunicar y evaluar los incidentes agresivos individuales. Además, se registró y comparó la cantidad de miembros del personal de enfermería que estaban en baja por enfermedad a causa de lesiones en los periodos anterior y posterior al curso. No se encontraron reducciones estadísticamente significativas en el número de pacientes agresivos o en el número de miembros del personal en baja por enfermedad. Un hallazgo interesante fue una menor notificatión en la SOAS de incidentes agresivos percibidos después del curso de formación, en comparación con los informes de la SDAS. Se encontró que la agresividad verbal dirigida y la violencia hacia las cosas eran predictores de la violencia.

Se investigó la relación entre los intentos de suicidio y diferentes factores de vulnerabilidad en 61 sujetos varones durante el examen psiquiátrico forense. Los rasgos de personalidad y la psicopatía se determinaron por medio de las Escalas Karolinska de la Personalidad (KSP) y la Lista de Psicopatía Revisada (PCL-R). Los diagnósticos clínicos se determinaron por el uso de la Entrevista Clínica Estructurada para el DSM-III-R (SCID). La actividad de la monoaminooxidasa (MAO) de las plaquetas se investigó en 58 sujetos. Los pacientes que intentaron suicidarse tenían puntuaciones sumamente bajas en socialización y altas en agresión impulsiva. Esto era independiente de que existieran antecedentes de reincidencia en delitos violentos o no. Estos sujetos tenían puntuaciones más altas en la PCL-R y niveles más bajos de actividad de la MAO de las plaquetas que los que no intentaron suicidarse. No se encontró relación entre los intentos de suicidio y la reincidencia en delitos violentos. Sin embargo, entre los sujetos con reincidencia en delitos violentos había una diferencia muy significativa entre quienes intentaron suicidarse y quienes no, lo que indica perfiles de personalidad diferentes en los delincuentes violentos con y sin comportamiento suicida. El comportamiento suicida se asociaba significativamente con el trastorno límite de la personalidad, pero no con ningún otro trastorno individual del DSM-III-R. Los resultados muestran una perturbación de la personalidad mucho más grave en los pacientes que intentaron suicidarse que en otros pacientes violentos en este tipo de población. Por tanto, la conducta suicida se debería evaluar y tratar per se.