We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Moeen Cheema, Australian National University, Canberra,David Dyzenhaus, University of Toronto,Thomas Poole, London School of Economics and Political Science
Chapter 5 highlights the emergence of a distinctly praetorian governmentality in the next cycle of military rule in the 1980s. Having displaced an elected government, the military regime of General Zia ul Haq (1977–88) set about the task of refining the blueprint for military rule. What was distinctive, however, about this form of praetorian governmentality as compared to the earlier period of military rule was the hegemonic ideation of political legitimacy predicated on religion. The military regime visibly embarked on the agenda of 'Islamising' the constitution and the laws. New Shariat courts were given unprecedented powers of judicial review of legislation for conformity with Islamic law at the same time that the fundamental rights provisions of the Constitution remained under suspension, and the superior courts’ Writ jurisdiction was incapacitated. Nonetheless, Islamisation also enabled the superior courts to re-orient their public law jurisprudence and to bolster their legitimacy. Pakistan’s appellate courts learnt to capitalise on this new rhetoric and restructured a more assertive form of judicial review grounded in the normative bedrock of Islamic legality.
Moeen Cheema, Australian National University, Canberra,David Dyzenhaus, University of Toronto,Thomas Poole, London School of Economics and Political Science
Chapter 7 dissects the subtle shifts in state structure and power relations during the third cycle of military rule in Pakistan which for the first time was characterised by a successful hybridity of a military–civil composite. When General Pervez Musharraf overthrew an elected government in October 1999 the familiar architecture of military rule was resurrected. However, unlike previous military regimes General Musharraf was successful in holding elections and managing a symbiotic relationship with a civilian government whereby a semblance of democratic governance could be upheld. The Supreme Court once again validated the military takeover and the continuity of judicial review of executive action initially aligned with the regime’s proclaimed agenda of the structural reform of the state and anti-corruption drive. However, when Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry assumed office in 2005 this accommodation between the military-dominated regime and the courts began to fracture. With impending elections in 2007, the regime dismissed the Chief Justice sparking the protest movement by the lawyers that would ultimately pave the way for another transition to civil democratic rule, as well as for the restoration of an assertive ‘Chaudhry Court’.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.