For the past decade, blockchain, along with the recent ascent of non-fungible tokens (NFTs), have been hailed as revolutionary tools with the power to reshape the global economy, particularly in the context of property rights. In this chapter, drawn in part from the authors’ earlier work, the use of blockchains and NFTs in real property transactions is questioned by interrogating how the existing technologies work against the backdrop of the realities of real property transfers. Moving beyond the hype, the authors explain that a blockchain system would provide few if any benefits to the system of real estate transactions. Yet they think there is indeed a potential use case for blockchains and crypto technology when it comes to property rights. But, it is not in the world of real property – which our existing system has largely shown itself to be sufficient – but rather for intangible property. American law developed to deal with tangible assets, whether personal or real, owing to their historical prominence as primary wealth. But tracking and transferring rights in intangible property has always been underdeveloped. It is here, so we argue, that blockchain technology and NFTs might have the highest utility.

The introduction presents Rogers as a figure straddling major divides in American history. He was a Cherokee Indian seeking suceess in a WASP society, and a cowboy from the rural republic of the nineteenth century who becomes a wildly popular humorist, writer, and movie star in the urban society of the twentieth century. In particular, it frames him as a historical figure reflecting four important shifts in this era: the end of the frontier, the development of a consumer culture of abundance and personality, the emergence of modern celebrity, and the sharpening of a populist ethos in culture and politics. Finally, it frames Rogers as a historical mediator who helped Americans ease their way from one historical era to another.

Chapter Ten analyzes Will Rogers the private individual. Looking at the real person behind the celebrity entertainer and writer, it focuses on several personal qualities that defined his adult life. He manifested a great loyalty to his wife, four children, and the idea of family. He maintained his rural roots, sustaining a lifelong attraction to riding and roping, horses and cattle that culminated in his beloved ranch domicile outside Los Angeles. He developed a cadre of close friends from the worlds of entertainment, journalism, and politics. Possessed of abundant nervous energy, he became addicted to travel, both nationally and globally. A man of common tastes in food, clothing, and entertainent, he nonetheless harbored an intense desire to succeed. At the deepest level, Rogers displayed a certain bifurcated quality: essentially reserved, earnest, moody, and sometimes ill-at-ease in private, but tranforming into a witty, charming entertainer and pundit when dealing with a group. Thus the private man balanced an authentic, common man persona with the popular, down-home, humorous image of "Will Rogers" that he crafted throughout his adult life.

This chapter focuses on the individuals who actively worked to protect and save members of targeted groups during genocides, often at great personal risk. By presenting sociological, psychological, and neuroscience research designed to understand better the profile of those who risked their lives to rescue strangers in times of war, this chapter asks what makes this small subset of the population react differently than others. By combining research and interviews with rescuers, the chapter shows that both individual processes and environmental factors contribute to risking one’s own life to rescue threatened human beings. People who engaged in rescue efforts during a particular event came from a range of different backgrounds, and no single factor can be reliably used to predict why they chose to help. Some rescuers were motivated by their religious or moral beliefs, while others were motivated by empathy or a desire to protect. The chapter also argues that even though rescuers are not numerous, they are nonetheless a living examples that another choice is possible, and that human beings may find the strength to overcome hateful propaganda. This raises hope of developing efficient interventions aimed at reducing susceptibility to blind obedience.

Why would a literary scholar say that he would ‘take it as a reproach’ if his work was called essayism? There is a good chance that we may understand this comment too easily, or not at all. The polemical postures of modernism (and the critical fashions of the academy) often seem remote from, or even opposed to, the essay in its casual, elegant, personal, speculative modes. This chapter traces not a reconciliation between the two stances but various forms of entanglement. Looking at work by Virginia Woolf, Marianne Moore, T.S. Eliot, H.D., and Ezra Pound, this chapter asks what happens when modernist rigour needs the conceptual flexibility of the essay; when poetry cannot do without prose; when the imaginary is seen as the fiercest form of the real; when the objective correlative, without becoming subjective, encounters more shades of meaning than anyone thought it could manage.

The role of psychology, the relationship with culture, and a profile of today’s main cultural psychologies (and pathologies).

What makes us durable in alone time is a combination of background, personality, mindset, approach, and mental tools. It may come as no surprise that adaptable, confident, and optimistic people are better at alone time, because those traits are important for resilience in any context. But we are also learning that those who are able to stop and introspect, who are generally curious and self-reliant, flourish when they’re alone. Perhaps more importantly, how we perceive solitude can make or break that time. Being able to see value or meaning in it, even when we must be alone, is critical. Feeling that we have interesting and challenging activities in that space also makes it more enjoyable.

Chapter 3, on Yeats’s middle period, begins with some reflections on his prose works that help explain his evolving ideas about art and personality, ideas that he formed in large part as the result of his friendship with John Synge. The logic of misrecognition, which in the early works animated his creation of both possible and impossible worlds, in mid-career works from Responsibilities (1914) to Michael Robartes and the “Dancer” (1921) tends to emphasize the the artist’s responsibility to the actual world from which he borrows to furnish his creations. The represented world of his work thus tends to dominate over the expressed world, but this does not prevent the latter from structuring reflections on history in a way that stresses the creative agency of the poet, driven by personality, the “shaping joy” of the artist. Personality enables a form of expressiveness in which the world of the work models new relations to (and alongside) historical time. It is central to Yeats’s worldmaking project and his relation to the actual world around him.

This analysis of the psychology of revolution has adopted a “from societies to cells” approach, where macro processes are given priority. However, micro-level factors such as individual-level personality traits also have an important role in revolutions. In this chapter, an assessment is made of the personality characteristics of revolutionary leaders, people who surround the revolutionary leader, the lay masses who follow and support the extremist revolutionary leader, and those who do not conform and obey according to the wishes of the revolutionary regime. The traditional research focus has been on the revolutionary leader, and in this analysis the key traits of these leaders are identified as Machaivellianism, pathological narcissism, craving for power, risk-taking, intolerance for ambiguity, illusions of control and grandeur, and charisma. The personality of the extremist revolutionary leader in particular shapes what happens after regime change. Typically, moderates get pushed aside and extremists take over, with radical programs such as the “Cultural Revolution” (as in China and Iran).

The author has always shown interest in bilinguals who are also bicultural – also known as bicultural bilinguals. In this chapter, he concentrates on the bicultural component of these bilinguals: they take part, to varying degrees, in the life of two or more cultures; they adapt, at least in part, their attitudes, behaviors, values, languages, and so on to these cultures; and they combine and blend aspects of the cultures involved. He then evokes how one becomes bicultural and how biculturalism evolves over time. This is followed by his proposal to adapt the language mode concept to account for how biculturals modify their behaviors in different situations. Biculturals find themselves at various points along a situational continuum – cultural this time – that requires different types of behavior and attitudes depending on the situation. At one end they are in a monocultural mode, and at the other end they are in a bicultural mode. The last two sections concern bicultural identity and the question of whether bicultural bilinguals change personality when they change language.

Personality disorders (PDs) are characterized by significant impairments to the self and interpersonal functioning, alongside pathological personality traits. One in ten people in the general population and one in two in clinical settings meet the diagnostic criteria for a PD. Comorbidity with other mental disorders is common, and the presence of a PD is the strongest explanation for recurrence, relapse, and poor prognosis in mental disorders. However, many individuals with a PD remain undetected in clinical practice and, as a result, are given ineffective or even harmful treatment. The ICD-11 classification of PDs represents a paradigm shift, replacing all PD subcategories with a single general description and differentiating individual PD expressions according to severity and personality trait domains. This classification is aligned with the DSM-5 Alternative Model for Personality Disorders, though the latter is not intended for general use. In addition to discussing the aforementioned issues, this chapter reviews the clinical descriptions of and empirical evidence for PDs (discussing them individually, in line with the DSM-5 classification) and presents meta-analytic data on the effectiveness of evidence-based psychotherapy for PDs.