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Studies indicate a high burden of mental health disorders among female sex workers (FSWs) in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Despite available data on suicidal ideation and suicide attempts among FSWs, little is known about suicide deaths in this hard-to-reach population. This study aims to examine the extent to which suicide is a cause of maternal mortality among FSWs, the contexts in which suicides occur, and the methods used. From January to October 2019, the Community Knowledge Approach method for identifying cause-specific deaths in communities was employed across eight LMICs (Angola, Brazil, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), India, Indonesia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa). A total of one thousand two hundred eighty FSWs provided detailed reports on two thousand one hundred twelve FSW deaths in the preceding 5 years, including 288 (13.6%) suicides, 178 (61.8%) of which were maternal. Of these maternal suicides, 57.9% occurred during pregnancy (antepartum), 20.2% within two months of delivery (puerperium), and 21.9% in the 2–12 months following delivery (postpartum). The highest proportion of suicides occurred in Nigeria, Kenya, and DRC in sub-Saharan Africa. A total of 504 children lost their mothers to suicide. Further research is needed to identify interventions for suicide risk among FSW mothers.
Little research has explored relationships between prenatal substance use policies and rates of maternal mortality across all 50 states, despite evidence that prenatal substance use elevates risk of maternal death. This study, utilizing publicly available data, revealed that state-level mandated testing laws predicted maternal mortality after controlling for population characteristics.
Women with a history of preeclampsia (PE) have a greater risk of pulmonary arterial hypertension (PAH). In turn, pregnancy at high altitude is a risk factor for PE. However, whether women who develop PE during highland pregnancy are at risk of PAH before and after birth has not been investigated. We tested the hypothesis that during highland pregnancy, women who develop PE are at greater risk of PAH compared to women undergoing healthy highland pregnancies. The study was on 140 women in La Paz, Bolivia (3640m). Women undergoing healthy highland pregnancy were controls (C, n = 70; 29 ± 3.3 years old, mean±SD). Women diagnosed with PE were the experimental group (PE, n = 70, 31 ± 2 years old). Conventional (B- and M-mode, PW Doppler) and modern (pulsed wave tissue Doppler imaging) ultrasound were applied for cardiovascular íííassessment. Spirometry determined maternal lung function. Assessments occurred at 35 ± 4 weeks of pregnancy and 6 ± 0.3 weeks after birth. Relative to highland controls, highland PE women had enlarged right ventricular (RV) and right atrial chamber sizes, greater pulmonary artery dimensions and increased estimated RV contractility, pulmonary artery pressure and pulmonary vascular resistance. Highland PE women had lower values for peripheral oxygen saturation, forced expiratory flow and the bronchial permeability index. Differences remained 6 weeks after birth. Therefore, women who develop PE at high altitude are at greater risk of PAH before and long after birth. Hence, women with a history of PE at high altitude have an increased cardiovascular risk that transcends the systemic circulation to include the pulmonary vascular bed.
Maternal mortality rates in the USA remain high, with persistent racial and socioeconomic disparities. We identified 207,016 hospital admissions for pregnant women in Maryland, from 2017 to 2019. Logistic regression was used to identity factors associated with maternal death. The health outcome for black women was more prone to give rise to maternal mortality than for white women. Our study revealed numerous racial and age discrepancies in gestational health outcomes, which opioid use disorder exacerbated. Our findings elaborate on the importance of identifying the drivers of adverse pregnancy outcomes, to help inform policy, and resource allocations.
One of the most dramatic changes to women's lives in the twentieth century was the advent of safe childbirth, reducing the maternal mortality rate from 1 in 400 births to 1 in 10,000 in just 80 years. The impetus behind this change was the Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Death (CEMD), now the world's longest running self-audit of a healthcare service. Here, leading authors in the CEMD tell the story of the pioneering clinicians behind the push for improvements, who received little recognition for their work despite its far-reaching consequences. One by one, the leading causes of maternal death were identified and resolved, from sepsis to safe abortions and more recently psychiatric illness and social and ethnic disparities in healthcare. Global maternal mortality is still too high; this valuable book shows how significant advances in maternal healthcare are possible when clinicians, politicians and the public work together.
Given change in the universal developmental agenda and the quality of governance in the last two decades, this paper re-examines the relationship between governance, health expenditure and maternal mortality using panel data for 184 countries from 1996 to 2019. By employing the ‘dynamic panel data regression model’, the study reveals that a one-point improvement in the governance index decreases maternal mortality by 10–21%. We also find that good governance can better translate health expenditure into improved maternal health outcomes through effective allocation and equitable distribution of available resources. These results are robust to alternative instruments, alternative dependent variables (such as infant mortality rate and life expectancy), estimation by different governance dimensions and at the sub-national level. Additional findings using ‘Quantile regression’ estimates show that the quality of governance matters more than the health expenditure in countries with a higher level of maternal mortality. While the ‘Path regression’ analysis exhibits the specific direct and indirect mechanisms through which the causal inference operates between governance and maternal mortality.
This chapter examines the risks of pregnancy for women over 40 and the strategies to optimize the management of pregnancy, labour and puerperium in this age group. In the UK, antenatal care is not usually any different at less than 40 years unless there are other confounding factors. Women at advanced age booking for pregnancy should have a thorough risk assessment to ascertain risk of hypertensive diseases of pregnancy and those at higher risk should be started on 75 mcg aspirin from 12 weeks till until 36 weeks Increased surveillance for GDM is not recommended in the UK based on age alone. However, it should be noted that AMA is associated with an increased background incidence of diabetes and it is our practice to offer a mini glucose tolerance test. Risk of venous thromboembolism should be assessed at booking and at each encounter. Serial growth scans with doppler studies are to be performed starting from 26-28 weeks of gestation in women more than 40 years. Induction of labour is recommended between 39 to 40 weeks when maternal age is more than 40 years. There is insufficient evidence to comment on the possible effect on perinatal mortality and rates of operative delivery from this intervention and this should be mentioned when counselling for induction of labour.
Edited by
Uta Landy, University of California, San Francisco,Philip D Darney, University of California, San Francisco,Jody Steinauer, University of California, San Francisco
Nepal’s transition from highly restrictive abortion laws and high maternal mortality to liberal laws and many fewer maternal deaths provides one of the world’s most impressive examples of the relationship of the two.Nepal’s expansion of access to abortion through an emphasis on self-determination for women and incorporation of abortion training into medical and nursing training are excellent implementation models for other nations where the constraint of women’s rights and abortion services lead to injustice and early death for women.That Nepal accomplished so much for women despite political instability and only modest economic growth supports the importance of the collaboration of ministries of health and education and non-government organizations (NGOs) to progressively expand abortion training to include a wide range of urban and rural practitioners at early and later stages of their training, set standards for education and performance, and systematically evaluate effects on abortion access and safety.
Reproductive justice refers to three primary principles: the right not to have a child, the right to have a child, and the right to parent children in safe and healthy environments. It depends upon the adoption and enactment of a human rights framework, including both negative rights (e.g., governments must not interfere with people’s autonomy) and positive rights (e.g., governments must ensure that people can exercise their rights and freedom and live with dignity). The term is preferred by many because it merges support for reproductive rights with broader movements for social justice. Lack of control over one’s body and an inability to make decisions about one’s destiny can have lasting impacts on women’s physical and mental health and well-being, and have been associated with shame, depression, anxiety, anger, trauma, poor body image, low self-esteem, and low self-worth. Reproductive injustice increases women’s morbidity and mortality risks, and it makes it difficult for them to provide a safe, healthy, and loving environment for their children. This chapter explores four themes based on psychological theory and research – poverty, access to education, access to health care services and supplies, culture – that impact reproductive health (e.g., preconception health, maternal care, maternal and infant mortality, abortion).
The battle over women’s autonomy, especially their reproductive healthcare and decision-making, has always been about much more than simply women’s health and safety. Rather, male power, control, and dominion over women’s reproduction historically served political purposes and entrenched social and cultural norms that framed women’s capacities almost exclusively as service to a husband, mothering, reproducing, and sexual chattel. For example, tort law carved out specific remedies for husbands who suffered the loss of their wives’ servitude and sex under the loss of consortium cause of action. Historically, loss of consortium litigation provided economic remedies only for husbands. This law derives from the legal premise that the husband is the master of the wife. She is his servant. Thus, when wives suffered a physical injury, husbands could file suit against third parties for the “loss” of their wives’ servitude, companionship, and sex. Most Black women, their mothers, and daughters encountered or directly suffered the physical norms and conditions of that cruel enterprise, including physical bondage, food deprivation, and physical torture (whippings, brining, and amputations of fingers and toes). They also endured reproductive coercion and terror, including sexual assaults, rapes, forced reproduction, and stripping away of offspring.
In Policing the Womb, Michele Goodwin explores how states abuse laws and infringe on rights to police women and their pregnancies. This book looks at the impact of these often arbitrary laws which can result in the punishment, incarceration, and humiliation of women, particularly poor women and women of color. Frequently based on unscientific claims of endangering a fetus, these laws allow extraordinary powers to state authorities over reproductive freedom and pregnancies. In this book, Michele Goodwin discusses real examples of women whose pregnancies have been controlled by the law and what has led to the United States being the deadliest country in the developed world for a woman to be pregnant.
We report a case of combined severe aortic stenosis and regurgitation in a pregnant patient with a history of congenital bicuspid aortic valve. The patient presented at 22 weeks of gestation with angina and pre-syncopal symptoms. During her admission, she experienced intermittent episodes of non-sustained ventricular tachycardia and hypotension. A multi-disciplinary healthcare team was assembled to decide on the appropriate medical and surgical treatment options. At 28 weeks of gestation, the patient underwent a caesarean delivery immediately followed by a mechanical aortic valve replacement.
Maternal mortality may increase after a disaster. Because midwives are at the frontline of offering reproductive health care services in disasters, they should be competent.
Methods
This was a cross-sectional, descriptive study carried out in 2015 in Tehran. The sample consisted of 361 midwives selected by use of a cluster random sampling method. Data were collected by using a questionnaire on professional competency for preventing maternal mortality in disasters.
Results
The midwives’ mean professional competency score was 177.74±31, which was an average level of professional competency. The level of knowledge and skills of the midwives was reported as inadequate for most items, particularly for the items of “managing mothers affected by chronic diseases,” “physical trauma,” “recognizing patients who needed to be referred,” and “stabilizing mothers when referring them.” Statistically significant relationships were observed between the midwives’ competencies and age (P=0.001), work experience (P=0.054), educational level (P= 0.043), previous experience in a disaster (P=0.014), and workplace (P=0.006). These data were drawn by using Spearman’s correlation, t-test, and ANOVA, respectively.
Conclusions
Given the average scores for midwives’ professional competency in disasters and the inadequacy of prior training courses, extra educational programs for midwives are recommended. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018; 12: 305–311)
This article analyses the barriers that expectant mothers face in accessing appropriate, quality medical services in Kenya, and investigates the potential for the regional African human rights adjudicator to use provisional measures (PMs) to protect expectant mothers. The article aims to explore whether PMs adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights could be an appropriate legal tool to secure protection for expectant mothers who are dealing with obstacles in obtaining the medical services that they need. In that regard, this contribution suggests that the situation of certain expectant mothers in Kenya meets the two necessary conditions to grant PMs under the African Human Rights system: that the situation is urgent and the measures are necessary to prevent irreparable damage. It suggests that, following the tendency of other international human rights bodies, the Commission has the potential to play a relevant role in the context of maternal mortality.
The majority of maternal and perinatal deaths are preventable, but still women and newborns die due to insufficient Basic Life Support in low-resource communities. Drawing on experiences from successful wartime trauma systems, a three-tier chain-of-survival model was introduced as a means to reduce rural maternal and perinatal mortality.
Methods
A study area of 266 villages in landmine-infested Northwestern Cambodia were selected based on remoteness and poverty. The five-year intervention from 2005 through 2009 was carried out as a prospective study. The years of formation in 2005 and 2006 were used as a baseline cohort for comparisons with later annual cohorts. Non-professional and professional birth attendants at village level, rural health centers (HCs), and three hospitals were merged with an operational prehospital trauma system. Staff at all levels were trained in life support and emergency obstetrics.
Findings
The maternal mortality rate was reduced from a baseline level of 0.73% to 0.12% in the year 2009 (95% CI Diff, 0.27-0.98; P<.01). The main reduction was observed in deliveries at village level assisted by traditional birth attendants (TBAs). There was a significant reduction in perinatal mortality rate by year from a baseline level at 3.5% to 1.0% in the year 2009 (95% CI Diff, 0.02-0.03; P<.01). Adjusting maternal and perinatal mortality rates for risk factors, the changes by time cohort remained a significant explanatory variable in the regression model.
Conclusion
The results correspond to experiences from modern prehospital trauma systems: Basic Life Support reduces maternal and perinatal death if provided early. Trained TBAs are effective if well-integrated in maternal health programs.
HouyC, HaSO, SteinholtM, SkjerveE, HusumH. Delivery as Trauma: A Prospective Time-Cohort Study of Maternal and Perinatal Mortality in Rural Cambodia. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2017;32(2):180–186.
Few studies from low-income countries have addressed women's fear of childbirth (FOC) although likely to affect women during both pregnancy and childbirth. The aim of this study was to explore FOC in a high maternal mortality setting in the Arab region, Yemen.
Methods.
A multi-stage (stratified–purposive–random) sampling process was used. We interviewed 220 women with childbirth experience in urban/rural Yemen. Answers to the question ‘Were you afraid of giving birth?’ were analyzed using qualitative content analysis.
Results.
Women perceived childbirth as a place of danger. Fear of death and childbirth complications stemming from previous traumatic childbirth and traumatic experience in the community was rampant. Husbands’ and in-laws’ disappointment in a girl infant constituted a strong sociocultural component of FOC. Women's perception of living in tension ‘between worlds’ of tradition and modernity reinforced fear of institutional childbirth. Women without FOC gave reasons of faith, social belonging and trust in either traditional or modern childbirth practice, past positive experience of childbirth and the desire for social status associated with children.
Conclusions.
The numerous maternal and infant deaths have a strong impact on women's FOC. Antenatal care has an important role in reducing fear including that of institutional childbirth and in strengthening a couple in welcoming a female infant. Staff should be sensitized to the fears of both husband and wife and women be allowed support during childbirth. Within the scope of the Millennium Development Goals and strengthening of reproductive mental health programs, FOC urgently needs to be addressed.
Complete and comprehensive surveillance of maternal mortality and maternal near miss should increase the consistency and accuracy of the data. Extremes of age, pre-existing medical conditions, language barriers, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status are recognized risk factors for maternal and obstetric complications. An important challenge to the identification of maternal near miss outcomes has historically been varying definitions between local, national, and international institutions. The majority of definitions may be classified as clinically based, organ system based, or management/intervention based. Organ-system dysfunction criteria are based on abnormalities detected by laboratory tests, such as platelet levels, and basic critical care monitoring. Complications from pre-existing medical conditions such as chronic heart disease are emerging as an important cause of maternal near miss, as improvements in medical care allow more women to live to reproductive age. Effective prevention policies are necessary to influence the long-term outcomes associated with maternal near miss.
After the passing of the 1902 Midwives Act, a growing proportion of women were delivered by trained and supervised midwives. Standards of midwifery should therefore have improved over the first three decades of the twentieth century, yet nationally this was not reflected in the main outcome measures (stillbirths, early neonatal mortality and maternal death). This paper shows that there was a difference in the risks associated with delivery by the different attendants, with qualified midwives having the best outcome, then bona-fide (untrained) midwives and lastly doctors, even when account is taken of the fact that doctors were called in cases of medical need and may have been booked where a problematic delivery was expected. The paper argues that the lack of improvement in outcome measures could be consistent with improving standards of care among both trained and bona-fide midwives, because increased attention to the rules stipulating when midwives called for medical help meant that a doctor was called into an increasing number of deliveries (including less complicated ones), raising the chance of unnecessary and dangerous interventions.