This chapter assesses the role of the Department of Defense, intelligence community, and Department of Homeland Security in foreign policy as well as the coordination mechanisms across bureaucracies.

President Lyndon B. Johnson was inclined to favor “tougher” military responses that promised victory. He understood the intricacies of the policy that he had inherited but changed it. He promoted Rusk to the detriment of other advisors who had supported a counterinsurgency program and who left, including Hilsman, Michael Forrestal and Ted Sorensen. McNamara initially resisted expanding the commitment in Vietnam. In a presidential election year, he was sent on two trips to South Vietnam, in March and May, that were designed to placate possible critics of Johnson’s policies, including the JCS, Ambassador Lodge, the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC) and the SFRC. Johnson pressed his Secretary to give the Chiefs “something” militarily. In response, McNamara looked for “disavowable actions” and eventually moved to support a bombing program as a substitute for deploying ground troops.

McNamara moved more forcefully than any of his predecessors in implementing civilian control over the military, with a contemptuous and domineering attitude toward the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS). His most important managerial innovations were designed to enforce “subjective control,” namely to impose civilian objectives and ideas on the military. The Draft Presidential Memoranda (DPMs) and the Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS) were designed to align military tools to civilian-defined foreign and economic policies. He worked closely with Secretary of State Dean Rusk to align military tools to the President’s foreign policy and with Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon to ensure the Defense Department’s programs fit within a framework of fiscal discipline.

At the start of 1965, the Johnson administration was primed to act militarily in Vietnam. On the economic front, Secretary of the Treasury Dillon left and Johnson chose his Great Society over fiscal discipline. McNamara began to manipulate the budget to hide the true costs of military escalation. Initially, he staked his hopes on a bombing program: it would ensure civilian control, be cost-effective and quick. When political overtures failed to materialize, however, he became frustrated. In July, McNamara recommended a wholescale escalation with a tax increase and reserve call-up. Johnson chose escalation without aligning the resources to his new commitments. As a result, a rift emerged between the President and his Secretary of Defense. As the year went on, the rift widened and McNamara considered leaving. He grew impatient with the White House and State Department’s inflexibility over negotiations with North Vietnam and threw his weight behind a bombing pause.