I consider how Gulf Arabs evaluate their government’s behavior relative to the circulation of wealth. On the basis of roughly 350 interviews in the four countries with scholars, economists, dissidents, bankers, members of government, representatives of public and private foundations and NGOs and official and independent ‘ulama, I summarize their views, quoting from their responses to a set of questions and sharing the evidence they provide. I note the extent to which my interlocutors criticize their rulers in ethical terms, especially insofar as their commitment to social justice, equity and inclusion is concerned. In short, they confirm that there is no genuine concern for equity in the distribution of resources, and no indication that religious norms are integrated into this domain of governance. Rather, fairly narrow political and material interests prevail. Then, I briefly describe episodes of resistance to Gulf rulers from religious forces in society. The aim is twofold: to demonstrate how they too instrumentalize Islam for political capital and how rulers respond to the challenge they face from the religious field.

This chapter presents an overview of methods used in clinical assessment, classification, and diagnosis. After outlining the range of assessment options available to clinicians, it describes the typical goals of assessment, including diagnosis, description, treatment planning, and prediction. It also introduces some of the most important variables that affect a clinician’s choices about how to conduct an assessment, including its purpose, the clinician’s theoretical views, the psychometric properties of available assessment instruments, and other contextual factors. The chapter discusses the strengths and weaknesses of human clinical judgment when compared to AI and other actuarial procedures, focusing especially on the errors that clinicians tend to make but strive to avoid. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how the results of clinical assessments are communicated to clients and third parties, and the factors and formats associated with assessment reports.

Chapter 4 focuses on illustrating and testing the microlevel pathways that I detail in Chapter 3. I present in-depth interview data with thirty-four Brazilians, which generates the hypothesis and illustrates how exactly education impacts political identity and racial subjectivity. I present firsthand accounts of each pathway of exposure (information, social networks, and the labor market), and show how subjective personal experiences altered racial subjectivities and racialized understandings of power relationships. After illustrating the plausibility of these pathways, I draw on survey data from the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s to systematically test the mechanisms uncovered through inductive research. My analysis shows that the direction of the relationship between education and identification indeed changed over time as public education became more inclusive, and that education correlates positively with racial consciousness and black identification by the 2000s.

The chapter provides testimonies of individuals who took part in a genocidal process in order to understand how mass atrocities can take shape across different human societies. Through the analyses of interviews conducted with former genocide perpetrators in Rwanda and in Cambodia, it appears that many of them reported that they participated because they simply followed orders. It thus suggests that obedience to orders strongly influences individual actions during a war or a genocide. The chapter also highlights the key role of other forms of social influence, such as conformity to a group and compliance. However, the interviews reveal that complex additional factors have influenced former perpetrators in their actions, such as elements of coercion, the fear for one’s own life, and hateful propaganda. This chapter illuminatesthe many reasons that can lead a human to perpetrate evil acts.

In working with network data, data acquisition is often the most basic yet the most important and challenging step. The availability of data and norms around data vary drastically across different areas and types of research. A team of biologists may spend more than a decade running assays to gather a cells interactome; another team of biologists may only analyze publicly available data. A social scientist may spend years conducting surveys of underrepresented groups. A computational social scientist may examine the entire network of Facebook. An economist may comb through large financial documents to gather tables of data on stakes in corporate holdings. In this chapter, we move one step along the network study life-cycle. Key to data gathering is good record-keeping and data provenance. Good data gathering sets us up for future success—otherwise, garbage in, garbage out—making it critical to ensure the best quality and most appropriate data is used to power your investigation.

My maternal grandfather and namesake, Daniel Martin, was a Presbyterian minister. Although I don’t share his religious beliefs, I sometimes feel a bit like an itinerant preacher must feel, spreading lessons I have learned as a neurologist who now has Alzheimer’s dementia. So far, I have spoken on at least 40 occasions for interviews on radio, TV, newspapers, magazines, and podcasts from around the world, from Dubai to New Zealand. I have also spoken to medical students, graduate students, other physicians, and Alzheimer’s support groups.

Chapter 6 presents an array of techniques for assessing motivation including self-reports, questionnaires, rating scales, checklists, surveys, interviews, and a diagnostic protocol. In addition to these assessments, Appendices 6A, 6B, and 6C – designed for teachers, students, and corporate folk – contain the Reisman Diagnostic Motivation Assessment (RDMA) items that emerged from and are categorized by the motivation theorists presented in Chapter 3. Appendix 6D includes the Reisman Diagnostic Creativity Assessment (RDCA) interpretation and Appendix 6E provides an alternative RDMA interpretation. This chapter also addresses why motivation in education is important, students and motivation, teachers and motivation, corporate employer and employee motivation, self-esteem and motivation, and motivation and creativity.

In Chapter 4, the applicability of this practice is considered by answering the question: to what extent does participation in intersectional advocacy vary depending on the level of government or political context where the advocacy takes place? Drawing from a qualitative analysis of 43 interviews with organizational leaders, this chapter presents how intersectional advocacy was applied at the municipal, state, and federal levels. This analysis shows that organizational leaders strategically established policy connections between gendered violence and unaffordable housing, inaccessible healthcare, and mass incarceration. The chapter then describes how issue and policy linkages vary across these problem areas and the level of government advocates are situated within. The types of institutional boundaries they encountered as they intervened in these policymaking processes are also described here. Ultimately, the chapter illustrates how the practice of intersectional advocacy transcended these three different levels of government, and that groups deployed different strategies depending on these varying contexts.

What explains why these groups take on the practice of intersectional advocacy? In Chapter 5, this question is answered from an organizational perspective. Drawing again from the qualitative analysis of interviews with organizational leaders, the chapter presents the features of organizations that practice intersectional advocacy. There are four constitutive features of their organizations that were related to their engagement in intersectional advocacy. Despite a commitment to intersectional feminism, one of these organizations did not have all of these features and it also did not fully participate in intersectional advocacy. By discussing this case, the chapter demonstrates how an analysis of the four organizational features also help identify why groups such as these do not fully take on this practice. It then ends with how organizations with commitments to intersectionally marginalized groups but have not actualized them through intersectional advocacy, can change their varying organizational structures to take on this approach. This chapter is written in a way that scholars and organizational practitioners can both understand and appreciate the practice of intersectional advocacy.

Life interviews can take many forms. Their purpose is to provide a biography of a person's life or, more commonly, a part of a person's life. This chapter focuses on two forms of life interview, McAdams' life story interview and the narrative life interview. McAdams' approach is to consider the whole of life, split into chapters, and examining key elements such as important memories, events, stressors and the person's world view. McAdams explores key issues such as redemption and contamination. The narrative life interview is designed to focus on specific key transitions in a person's life and to explore the impact of these transitions on people's behaviour, thoughts and feelings. Examples are provided.

This chapter introduces micro-sociological methodologies and analytical strategies, including the ontological and epistemological underpinnings of micro-sociology. The chapter proposes three micro-sociological strategies: studying key events, interaction ritual chains, and patterned phenomena. The chapter shows how micro-sociological analysis can be conducted with various methods but focuses mainly on video data analysis (VDA), because this method is particularly well-suited for capturing micro-dynamics of rhythm, emotions, and bodily interaction. The chapter shows how to gather, code, and analyze video material and illustrates how VDA can be triangulated with other methods. Likewise, the chapter presents positivist and post-positivist epistemologies of VDA. The chapter further discusses dilemmas of VDA related to (1) access and availability, (2) validity and veracity, (3) data presentation, and (4) ethics. Finally, the chapter presents the data sources, methods, and methodological considerations that make up the empirical basis of the book.

This chapter introduces the central research agenda, methodology, and scope of the book, centring the concept of grievance formation. Discussing the legal foundations and modalities of remedies in international law, the chapter poses the question of state remedial responsibilities in relation to the passage of time. This is a central question in the globally emerging discussions on whether states ought to remedy sterilisation or castration practices in their past. Furthermore, the chapter lays down the theoretical framework for the book’s use of the concept of grievance formation. As employed in social movement theory, this concept describes the process of people starting to address harmful experiences as common grievances. In this chapter, the concept is initially introduced into legal research by linking it with rights mobilisation: how victims of rights violations redefine traumatic experiences as individual or common grievances, rights violations, and legal harm to be remedied. As such, the concept offers a theoretical framework to understand how and why some victims of rights violations begin to conceptualise themselves as such and demand state responsibility, while others might not; why victims are publicly and institutionally recognised and redressed to different extents.

As a contested concept, “youth” is a chronological category and a socially constructed identity. African youth share socioeconomic and political constraints that delay adulthood markers and impact their views of citizenship. The meaning of “youth” is relational, set against assumptions about adulthood obligations, ties to elders, and youth’s own actions. Although youth is a liminal stage, youth are not passive; they improvise and engage their communities and countries through everyday citizenship. Recognizing how political life is abundant, everyday citizenship as a concept examines daily words and deeds of ordinary people who then shape identity and belonging in relation to others and the state. As a guiding principle distinguishable from nationalism (with its geographic component), civil society (with its organizational element), and social capital (with its roots in reciprocities), everyday citizenship pushes beyond rigid liberal and communal classifications to recognize how citizen identities and activities occur at multiple scales and sites, and through public and private practices. We examine various patterns of everyday citizenship in Ghana, Tanzania, and Uganda – countries representative of anglophone Africa but distinct in their regime types. The book’s multi-method, inductive approach uses Afrobarometer survey data, focus group discussions, interviews, and case studies to undergird its findings.

This chapter provides an explanation for the different approaches to local government taken by populist radical right parties in Austria, France, Italy and Switzerland, and their different degree of radicalism. It conducts a systematic exploration of the process by which these parties govern at the local level. The empirical basis for this analysis is interviews with 57 local government actors, semi-structured in order to investigate the two overarching themes that are theoretically expected to influence their approaches to governing. The chapter unveils the mechanisms through which moderation is imposed (or radicalism is facilitated) by, first, various institutional constraints, and, second, cross-level party linkages. As a final step, it reconstructs the process by which each populist radical right-led local government responded to the European migration crisis during the 2010s. The institutional constraints and cross-level party linkages particular to each of the four cases can explain the varied (multi-level) governance configurations that emerge, and as a result the varying degree of radicalism in their approach.