Chapter 10 uncovers the Jewish immigrants from the Russian empire who, to an extent elided in Ilf and Petrov’s published work, served them as critical cultural mediators. It recounts their hunt for a guide willing to accompany them on their road trip, and sketches the biographies of their eventual “angels,” the retired GE engineer Solomon Trone and his wife Florence Trone, who became the prototypes for the fictionalized Mr. and Mrs. Adams. Recovering the writers’ connections with people like the Trones, the chapter explores cultural exchange as a process that at once sharpened and blurred the lines between "us" and the "Other."

This chapter introduces the concept of serial murder and provides the definition of “serial killer” used by many academics. The author discusses the coining of the term “serial killer” by Robert Ressler as well as the strengths and weaknesses of the most recent information that the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) provides to the public about serial murder. Although the FBI’s current information was assembled by a highly reputable team, it paints a broad-strokes portrait of serial murder as sexually motivated and does not acknowledge or make known the stark difference between female serial killers (FSKs) and male serial killers (MSKs) in crimes and victims. This can be to the detriment of law enforcement investigations. Harrison describes how FSKs tend to be unknown or ignored, perhaps because, as author Patricia Pearson argued, people are reluctant to believe women can be murderers. Furthermore, because psychopathy is a concept frequently emerging in serial killer psychology, the author provides a primer. Case studies of FSKs Kristen Gilbert, Patty Cannon, Aileen Wuornos, and Sharon Kinne illustrate various serial killer modus operandi and psychological concepts.

This chapter explores the late 20th/early 21st century historical roots and reasoning of the animal protection movement’s efforts to strengthen animal anti-cruelty laws. With that backdrop, the chapter then discusses the essential need for data narrowly focused on anti-cruelty investigation and prosecution outcomes as advocates today consider criminal justice reform policy developments, and how recent legal and social advances can help support animal victims in the future.

Since the 1970s, the campaigns of animal protection advocates have been met with increasingly draconian government response, reflected in the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s post-9/11 classification of animal rights activists as the “number one domestic terrorism threat.” Animal advocates—who have never harmed a human being—have been targeted by expanded federal and state anti-terrorism legislation, disproportionate prison sentences, sweeping new surveillance powers, and experimental prison units, among other attacks. This article explores how, and why, the civil rights and civil liberties community have largely ignored—and in some cases even embraced— the carceral logic of criminalizing animal rights activists as “terrorists.”

In several respects, history is at the forefront of terrorism scholarship through challenging the domination of the social sciences and conventional wisdoms of the present that do not hold up to scrutiny once historicised. Moreover, historical research frequently accomplishes this by accessing a rich supply of primary source material that is more readily available than contemporary records because the passage of time has rendered it less sensitive. Despite these factors, there remains a broader impression, especially among governments, that terrorism’s past has little relevance to its present, hence the placing of resources into contemporary social science research instead of into the historicising of terrorism. As with terrorism, counterterrorism is not solely a phenomenon of the present day. It has a history as long as that of terrorism. Whether it is in the form of counterterrorism methods, such as the reliance on human intelligence, the difficulty in striking a balance between civil liberties, human rights and security or how to define the threat needing to be countered, the issues of the twenty-first century are, to varying extents, re-emergent, not nascent. As scholars make increasing inroads into excavating the difficult and convoluted history of terrorism, the need to exhume another inherent element of the complex equation, counterterrorism responses in both the micro and macro, grows ever greater.

The best antidote to the problem of foreign election interference is sunshine – inform the public about the nature and content of the foreign election interference. Criminal prosecutions play an important role in disclosing information to the public, as one part of a larger strategy of depriving foreign election interference of its effectiveness. This chapter focuses on the role that criminal prosecutions played during the Mueller investigation into Russian interference and how similar criminal investigations might be harnessed as a general response to election interference. Section 1 discusses how criminal investigations can help to keep the public informed about critical social problems – and the limitations of using the criminal justice system as a disclosure and transparency regime. Section 2 then analyzes the missteps made by the Obama Administration in failing to use criminal investigations to provide meaningful disclosure to the public about the scope of Russian information operations conducted over social media platforms. Section 3 focuses on recent changes to the Justice Department policies regarding disclosure of foreign influence operations. Finally, Section 4 looks at structural factors in the intelligence community to understand that community’s hesitation about relying on the criminal justice system, and how this reluctance might be overcome.

Exactly seventy years after Mari Vagliano was accused of conspiracy to defraud the Russian Imperial state, Aristotle Onassis was accused of conspiracy to defraud the United States Government. Comparing the two cases is enlightening: both of these international businessmen had to surpass a variety of hurdles on their way to revolutionizing the global shipping business. It all started in late 1950 when CIA agents, backed by photographic evidence revealed that New York based Greek shipping tycoons were carrying cargoes on American-built ships not only for the United States and its allies, but also for its enemies, North Korea and China. The FBI launched its investigation, the government took aggressive tactics that resulted in ship forfeitures arrest warrants in the US ports while there was a worldwide boycott on Onassis ships and attack to his whaling fleet. From 1954-1956, Onassis and the other Greek shipowners took part in lengthy negotiations, reaching final settlements with the US government. The case is indicative of how national interests try to restrict global economic activities, using foreign businessmen as scapegoats for their internal political and economic problems.