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By the fifth century Latin had become the language of education and been brought to new areas via the expansion of Christianity. The grammars by Donatus (fourth century) and Priscian’s (sixth century) were the canonical textbooks.The Carolingian Renaissance (eighth-ninth century) had linguistic consequences: promotion of scholarship, return to original texts, reform of pronunciation. The twelfth century represents a turning point in the study of language: the aim is not just describing Latin and practical training, but reflecting on the relationship between ‘dialectic’ (logic) and grammar (cf. Peter Helias). This opened the way to a general/formal theory of language, ‘speculative grammar.’ It flourished in the thirteenth century, with the idea that language intervenes both in the knowledge of reality and the theory of the ‘modes of signifying.' The Modistae systematized their predecessors’ work and investigated further the relation of grammar and meaning and the universal properties of language. In the fifteenth century the nominalists, for whom the modes of signifying were unnecessary, attacked their theories.The author notes an interest in pragmatics coming from theologians, rather than grammarians and philosophers. The chapter closes on a review of grammars of vernaculars (Catalan, Provençal, Old French).
This chapter looks into the profile of the court adviser in the age of ecclesiastical reform and cultural renewal between c. 790 and c. 840. It explores the rise of the persona of the wise adviser, who spoke up for justice and orthodoxy and who used his familiarity with the ruler to mediate on behalf of others. Who were these counsellors who advocated and embodied frank speech and straightforward advice as agents of social and political change? What were the qualities and credentials that qualified them as competent advisers? And to what extent were advisers at liberty to express their admonitions, criticism and advice openly and directly? To answer these questions, this chapter investigates the advice literature of the late eighth and first half of the ninth century: that is, hortatory letters and mirrors for princes, written in response to, or as part of, attempts to create a well-organised, orthodox and just Christian society by educating its rulers.
Intellectual life in this period is often given labels which relate to other politico-cultural events and phenomena: the post-Carolingian or pre-Gregorian age. The Carolingian renaissance largely ended Germanic oral tradition and popular culture, and created a need for a written culture based on manuscripts. At the end of the century Æthelwold's pupil Ælfric, who became abbot of Eynsham, represented the highest pinnacle of Benedictine reform and Anglo-Saxon literature. During the Carolingian period schools and intellectual life ran on parallel paths, and schools were equated with culture; even imperial culture under Charlemagne was conceived of as a school. The intellectual centre of Europe still lay in France, Burgundy and Lotharingia, where Carolingian culture had developed most fully. This chapter referres a number of Anglo-Saxon hagiographies and shows what might be termed missionary writings from the eastern frontier of Christianity. Intellectual production during the whole century was notably historiographic.
The Carolingian renaissance appears as a well-organised programme. Observers from the time of Notker Balbulus and Heiric of Auxerre to the present day have been impressed by the Carolingian achievement. Much of the variety inherent in Carolingian learning can be attributed to differences in resources, talents and interests across the cultural landscape. Only a few of the Carolingian schools have been studied systematically. Books were at the heart of Carolingian education. The most original development in Carolingian rhetorical studies linked rhetoric with rulership. Carolingian poetry was a ubiquitous feature of Carolingian literary culture and one of its most impressive achievements modern collection, was an ubiquitous feature of Carolingian literary culture. The example Carolingian leaders provided in their courts and legislation and which Notker Balbulus enshrined in his emblematic account of Charlemagne's life was not lost on later politicians who believed that learning was important for the spiritual health of the individual and also for Christian society.
This chapter talks about the comparison of Anglo-Saxon intellectual culture with that of Frankish Gaul. Both Anglo-Saxon England and Frankish Gaul inherited the Roman script system. Many of the later eighth-century manuscripts from Francia and Italy reflect the early years of the Carolingian Renaissance. The chapter discusses the importance of the preservation of knowledge, copying of essential texts, compilations of excerpts from a range of authoritative authors and the building up of libraries with mainline as well as more obscure patristic and early medieval writers. There is one further genre of Christian writing to which many individuals, in every part of western Europe, made particularly creative contributions in the eighth century, and this is hagiography. From the overwhelmingly biblical and patristic orientation of early medieval intellectual endeavour one can gain a crucial indication of the formative influences and characteristics of early medieval religion and the institutional and intellectual frameworks established to support it.
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