We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Chapter 8 examines mobilization in three cases in Buenos Aires, where union support is strong. It also shows that when unions failed to support a neighborhood organization, residents shifted their strategy to experiential tools instead. The first two of the anti-displacement groups examined – the Movimiento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos Movement of Renters and Occupiers (MOI) and the Asamblea del Pueblo San Telmo – actually constitute official chapters in the national union, Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA). That link provided renters and squatters with exceptional organizational and mobilization resources. Despite this common linkage, the two organizations differed strategically. The MOI engaged in direct actions, rallies, occupations, and, above all, in extensive technocratic negotiations with authorities over Law 341 and its implementation. The Asamblea del Pueblo San Telmo, instead, focused on occupations and direct actions and pursued a strategy of subversive resistance, consciously serving a marginal population in order to discourage gentrification. In contrast, the Asamblea Parque Lezama lacked close institutional and political affiliation to unions, and, rather than resorting to militancy, it succeeded with experiential tools.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.