Introduction
Fonseca (1996) said that Gypsies are a people who live outside history; an odd statement – given the impact of history, particularly on European Roma. This chapter refutes such an a-historical approach, by using case studies of two organisations, the Traveller Movement (TM) and Friends, Families and Travellers (FFT). In Chapter Five, the early phase of FFT was explored; this chapter explores its further development together with that of the TM, both of which rank among some of the most established and formalised Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) third sector groups. This chapter places community and voluntary sector development in the Gypsy and Traveller community in a wider policy and practice context. In doing so it explores the role of both organisations in ‘building bridges’ – within and between communities, between Gypsies, Travellers and ‘mainstream’ services and between these communities and the policy-making process.
Bridge building has, however, taken place in the ‘shifting sands’ of political and economic change. This applies at two levels. Over the last two decades, commentators have noted substantial intra-community ‘shifts’, namely, the collapse of the traditional Traveller economy, and also higher (though still limited) levels of educational attainment and a debate within the community about gender roles (Ryder, 2012). At a macro-political level, following the banking crisis of 2008, and particularly following the change of government after the 2010 election, there has been retrenchment, with cuts to local authority budgets and, with austerity, some would say, a dilution in commitments to equalities agendas (Centre for Local Economic Strategies and Centre for Local Policy Studies 2012).
One should not exaggerate the change in the climate within which FFT and TM have evolved and currently work. There are also striking continuities in public attitudes, the persistence of discrimination against Gypsy and Traveller communities and continuing media hostility. At another level there have been policy continuities: the Coalition government's Localism Act (2011) bears more than a passing resemblance to the ‘double devolution’ and Communities in Control (2008) agenda of the New Labour administrations. Linked to this is the political interest and at least rhetorical, as well as limited financial, support under New Labour for community empowerment (prior to the 2010 election) and, under the Coalition administration, for social action.