Canadian political parties are charged with aggregating the interests of a diverse and changing electorate in order to balance particularistic local demands with general national interests. This article asks what kind of organizations have they adopted to do this? How does their organizational character shape their capacities and their practices? The argument outlines a franchise organization model and explores the extent to which it can be used to explain Canadian party behaviour. The article exploits this model to analyze questions of party membership, the place of incumbents, leadership and electoral organization as they are played out in Canadian politics.

Police, as agents of the state, affect its legitimacy by their acts and the way they carry them out. They enjoy considerable powers and autonomy, in comparison with most public employees. Oddly, public administration studies almost ignore them. During the 1990s, the Sûreté du Québec experienced a number of problems of control and responsibility, not because of corruption but because of excess zeal, irresponsibility and sometimes incompetence. Several inquiries and studies, culminating with the massive Poitras Commission report of 1998, revealed a variety of problems, but many points in common. These studies show that while the SQ has known familiar problems rooted in police culture and the power of the police union, a whole range of measures could be pursued by the Department of Public Security and by the SQ to make it more open, more effective and more responsible. Several reforms now taking place could change the orgnizational culture of the Sûreté.

This article compares public service reform in Canada, France and the United Kingdom from the perspective of the extent and mode of incorporation of neoliberal policy ideas into reform agendas and programmes. It does so with a view to advancing discussion of the role of ideas as an explanatory category in ''historical institutionalist'' accounts of policy realignment. Resilience or permeability to change is linked to the pattern of interaction between ideas and institutions embedded in national and provincial public service regimes, and particularly to constitutive ideals of citizenship and public authority. The article highlights the respective roles of political, administrative and judicial elites in filtering the reception of new reform ideas in the three countries in an era of neoliberal globalization.

Both Harold Laski and C. B. Macpherson attempted to reconcile elements of liberalism and Marxism in their work. Macpherson offered a clearer and more precise argument about the ways in which capitalist market relations frustrate freedom, equality and the development of the individual. Laski provided a clearer and more consistent account of human nature, which is necessary to sustain such an argument. Macpherson, in turn, reformulated the distinction between negative and positive liberty, which had remained an unresolved problem in Laski's account of human nature. The respective strengths of Laski and Macpherson may be combined to provide a coherent and cogent ideological position.

The expanding public policy role of high courts heightens concerns over whether societal and political inequalities affect the outcomes of litigation. However, comparative research on this question is limited. This article assesses whether status inequalities between parties and differences in the experience and resources of attorneys influence the selection of cases for judicial review in the Supreme Court of Canada. A series of statistical models reveal that governments are more likely than other parties to influence whether leave is granted but that the experience and resources of lawyers, unlike in the United States, have little impact. The decentralized, low volume and high access features of the Canadian process may explain this finding.

The article reports the findings of a study of the 43 institutional arrangements in the most severely polluted bays, harbours, river mouths and connecting channels in the Great Lakes of North America. These arrangements were designed by the governments of Canada and the United States and their respective provinces and states, in order to formulate and implement Remedial Action Plans (RAPs) to restore impaired beneficial uses. The RAPs were conceived, adopted and monitored by the International Joint Commission. The theory of common property resources is used to develop a conceptual framework to assess the effectiveness of the RAPs. Success at the planning stages is associated with a representative and inclusive process of ''stakeholder'' agenda setting, and success at an implementation stage with a system of pooled interdependencies among implementing organizations. There are, however, competing incentives for the bureaucratic organizations that design RAPs, and evidence suggests that these can be more powerful than the RAP programme itself. The success of the RAPs is thus mixed.

This article considers the degree to which characteristics of the ideological model of political parties are evident in the Canadian party system. Four questions are considered: are members attracted to parties on the basis of their policy positions; is there a structure to party members' issue attitudes; is there significant attitudinal space between the parties; and is there cohesion within the parties on the identified attitudinal measures? Data collected through a national mail survey of members of the five federal parties are used to answer these questions. The article finds there is substantial evidence of the ideological model in the Canadian party system and concludes by considering the effect this may have on the brokerage traditions of Canadian parties.

This article argues against the apparent aversion to apply positive political models in the comparative literature on non-Western politics. To provide an example of the utility of such models, the article draws on Peter Van Roozendaal's game theoretical model of cabinet stability to account for the instability of coalition governments in India. It argues that government durability in this non-Western democracy can be modeled as the function of the motivations and incentives of two sets of key actors, the dominant and the central parties, the same way as it can in a Western context.

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Doern, G. Bruce, Arslan Dorman and Robert W. Morrison, eds. Canadian Nuclear Energy Policy: Changing Ideas, Institutions, and Interests. By Genevieve Fuji Johnson 906

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