If applied in isolation from the fundamental rights of women seeking abortion services, the right to conscientious objection can render any given rights to abortion illusory, including the rights to health, life, equality and dignity that are attendant to abortion. A transformative understanding of human rights requires that the right to conscientious objection to abortion be construed in a manner that is subject to the correlative duties which are imposed on the conscientious objector, as well as the state, in order to accommodate women's reproductive health rights. In recent years, the Colombian Constitutional Court has been giving a judicial lead on the development of a right to conscientious objection that accommodates women's fundamental rights. This article reflects on one of the court's decisions and draws lessons for the African region.

The legal protection of geographical indications (GIs) has become an important concern in both developed and developing countries. In Ethiopia, despite the existence of the need and enormous potential for the protection of GIs, the issue of GIs has not been given due attention. The legal protection of GIs in Ethiopia has not been expressly regulated by any specific legislation. It may arguably be protected under a collective trademark system. However, this system only operates for distinctive GIs. Consequently, most descriptive GIs are not embraced by the system unless the distinctiveness requirement is dispensed with for the registration of GIs as collective trademarks. Moreover, the existing system needs to be redefined in light of the notion of GIs under the TRIPs Agreement. It is therefore high time that an appropriate legal framework be designed to ensure the effective protection and enforcement of GIs in Ethiopia.

The role of communications in facilitating public participation in constitution-making is often neglected and misunderstood, particularly in post-war state-building when mass media may be weak. In the early 1990s, Ethiopia's ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa's most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution's most ambitious goals.

This article demonstrates that there has never been a clear definition of public land in Liberian legal history, although in the past the government operated as if all land that was not under private deed was public. By examining primary source materials found in archives in Liberia and the USA, the article traces the origins of public land in Liberia and its ambiguous development as a legal concept. It also discusses the ancillary issues of public land sale procedures and statutory prices. The conclusions reached have significant implications for the reform of Liberia's land sector.

The law of compulsory acquisition of land in Nigeria is rooted in the country's constitution. It is enshrined that every Nigerian has the right to own private property and that such property shall not be acquired compulsorily, except in the manner and for the purposes prescribed by a law that requires both the payment of prompt compensation and compliance with the rule of law on access to court. In 2012, the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered three decisions on the compulsory acquisition of land or the revocation of occupancy rights; Alhaji Tsoho Dan Amale v Sokoto Local Government and Others; Goldmark Nigeria Limited and Others v Ibafon Company Limited and Others; and Ohochukwu v Attorney General of Rivers State and Others. These three cases laid down principles on the subject which are worthy of exposition.

This article examines the culture of gift-giving against the background of anti-bribery laws, which preclude gift-giving in certain contexts, and the Code of Conduct for Public Officers which allows gift-giving in other contexts. It identifies what is wrong with bribery and uses this to distinguish between bribery and socio-cultural gift-giving practices in Nigeria. The author argues that the boundary between acceptable gift-giving and bribery is crossed whenever a gift induces or is intended to induce the recipient to perform a relevant function in breach of the expectation to act impartially, in good faith or in a manner that amounts to a betrayal of trust. The article finds that the Code of Conduct for Public Officers, which allows public officers to receive gifts from relatives and personal friends on occasions recognized by custom, dilutes the constitutional objective to eradicate corruption and recommends their removal.

The British colonial administration created a hybrid legal system in Nigeria where English, Islamic and customary laws apply. The English system, having a written constitution, was made dominant and the other laws apply to the extent permitted by it. However, Muslims in the northern part of the country have been making efforts to reverse this dominance, including the recent re-introduction of Islamic criminal law by 12 states. This effort is seen to be revolutionary, reverting the states to the position when Islamic law applied in full, devoid of colonial influence. This article asks whether this can break the legal hybridity and answers in the negative, arguing instead that the effort accentuates the hybridity. For example, the re-introduction of Islamic criminal law is enabled by the constitution, the constitution institutionalises the hybridity and the 12 states operate, and are bound by, the constitution. The article discusses other variables depicting the hybridity and concludes that it was a conscious colonial act, nearly impossible to break.

Agu v Ikewibe has been widely interpreted as holding that a customary arbitration award is binding only if none of the parties rejected the award after it was made; it has been widely criticized for this reason. However, the Nigerian Supreme Court has reached decisions, subsequent to though not as notorious as Agu v Ikewibe, to the effect that post-award consent is not necessary to found a binding customary arbitration award. This article contends that Agu v Ikewibe did not indeed decide what has been ascribed to it over the years, or that, even if it did, that decision is not supported by the previous judicial authorities upon which it claimed to have relied. Reference is also made to the current predominant indications from the Nigerian Supreme Court that post-award consent is not necessary to establish a binding customary arbitration award.

Ghana's Public Procurement Act 2003 was enacted to bring about the judicious, economic and efficient use of state resources, transparency, fairness, and non-discrimination in procurement. The primary objective of the act is best value for money. This article assesses how, beyond being used to achieve its primary objective, the law should be applied to propel the capacity and competitiveness of local businesses in Ghana. It argues that effective implementation of the act can indirectly promote competition and industrial competiveness in Ghana. Therefore, procurement entities must follow the requirements for procurement, both to achieve best value for money and to build and improve upon the capacity of domestic industries. Competition, transparency and restrictions on the application of single-source procurement and restricted tendering can promote and encourage the participation of Ghanaian firms in procurement. This can enhance their capacity and competitiveness in both procurement and other economic activities in Ghana.