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Overseas Chinese Nationalism in Singapore and Malaya 1877–1912

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2008

Yen Ching-Hwang
Yen Ching-Hwang
Affiliation:
University of Adelaide
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Overseas Chinese political links with China have been a subject of interest for many years. Travellers, journalists, officials and scholars have constantly made speculation, assessments and predictions about the political loyalties of overseas Chinese, and their future in their host countries. Although the overseas Chinese share a common historical and cultural background, they live in different economic environments and political climates, and in different stages of transition. Their political loyalty is especially difficult to assess. It is not just moulded by cultural, economic and political environments; it is also affected by other, less predictable factors. The rise of nationalism in the overseas Chinese communities at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries was a major factor in shaping the political life of the overseas Chinese. Using Singapore and Malaya as case studies, this paper seeks to explain how and why overseas Chinese nationalism arose during this period.

Type
Articles
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 16 , Issue 3 , July 1982 , pp. 397 - 425
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

References

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7 Most Chinese customs regarding festivals, marriage, burial, child birth and domestic habits were observed among the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya. See Lat Pau, 16/5/1899, p. 1, 7/2/1890, p. 1, 13/2/1892, p. 1; Sing Po, 4/9/1890, p. 1, 21/6/1890, p. 1, 23/2/1891, p. 1. 9/5/1893, pp. 1 and 4; Penang Sin Pao, 6/2/1909, p. 3; The Sun Pao, 4/3/1910 p. 7. See also Vaughan, J. D., The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (The Mission Press: Singapore, 1879), PP 26–48Google Scholar; anonymous, ‘Notes on the Chinese of Penang’, in the Journal of Indian Archipelago, Vol. VIII (1854), pp. 1–27Google Scholar; ‘Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1903’, p. 8Google Scholar in CD 2243; The Straits Times, 2/3/1904, p. 5.Google Scholar

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17 The Sixteen Maxims of the K'ang-hsi Emperor must be differentitated from the Six Maxims of the Emperor Shun-chih. The former was known as Sheng-yu (the Sacred Edict), while the latter was known as Liu-yu. The former was the expanded version of the latter. Apart from Sheng-yu and Liu-yu, there was a Sheng-yu kuang-hsuan (, the Amplified Instructions of the Sacred Edict) of 10,000 words promulgated by Emperor Yung-cheng, son of the K'ang-hsi Emperor. He must have thought that even the Sixteen Maxims were too brief for the comprehension of the ignorant masses. Ibid., p. 185.

18 The venues were established in Market Street, the Ts'ui Ying Chinese School in Amoy Street and Java Street. See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

19 Ibid., p. 5

20 An English translation of the Maxims is found in Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 187–8.Google Scholar A Chinese version which was probably used as a text for the Lo Shan She lectures in Singapore and Malaya, is found in G. T. Hare's collected documents on the Chinese in the Straits Settlements. See Hare, G. T., A Text Book of Documentary Chinese (Singapore, 1894), Pt 1, No. 2, pp. 92–3.Google Scholar

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23 See ‘Balance sheet of the Lo Shan She for the years of 1895 and 1896’, in Sing Po, 25/1/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

24 Wu Chin-ch'ing had purchased five Ch'ing official titles between 1889 and 1896 ranging from Tzu-cheng to Yen-yun-shih with feather; Chang Jen-hsien purchased two titles of Lang-chung and Erh-p'in between 1889 and 1896. Goh Siew-tin possessed Chih-fu and Tao-t'ai titles, and Tan Tai possessed Chung-hsien ta-fu and T'ung-feng ta-fu titles. See Yen Ching-hwang, trans, by Ch'ing-chiang, Chang, ‘Ch'ing-ch'ao tsu-kuan chih-tu yu Hsin-Ma hua-tsu ling-tao-ch'en 1877–1912’, appendix 1, in Mu-lin, K'o and Chen-ch'iang, Wu (eds), Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu shih lun-chi (Singapore, 1972), pp. 71–2.Google Scholar

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26 See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

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28 For instance, the three teachers employed by the Ts'ui Ying Chinese School in Singapore were Wang Pan-kuei, Hsu H'o-ming () and Wang Yun-kuei () All of them were intellectuals from China. From 1895 to 1897, the three teachers of the same school were Wang Pan-kuei, Huang Shih-tso () and Hsia Chi-ming (). Both Huang and Hsia were also intellectuals from China. See Sing Po, 24/2/1891, p. 8; 16/2/1895, p. 8; 22/12/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

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34 The practice at the Lo Shan She's lectures was to read the Sixteen Maxims in Mandarin, then the lecturers translated and expounded them in southern Fukien dialect. This tended to exclude those who did not understand the dialect. See Sing Po, 18/2/1895, p. 5.Google Scholar

35 Both Cantonese and Teochew merchants in Singapore adopted the same name for their societies. See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, p. 5, 6/3/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

36 The main lecture hall of the Teochew T'ung Shan She was set up at the Yeh-hai-ch'ing temple, the Teochew community centre, and the lectures were conducted in Teochew dialect. See Sing Po, 6/3/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

37 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/9/1899, p. 2, 30/9/1899, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

38 See ‘Regulation of Promoting the Worship of Confucius’, in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 30/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

39 It was the committee members of the Chinese Free School (Chui Eng Si E, or Ts'ui Ying Shu Yuan, ), that decided to follow the example of the Kuala Lumpur Chinese. Since most leaders of the school were also leaders of the Fukien community, the decision was in fact for the Fukien community. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 13/10/1899, p. 7.Google Scholar

40 Thien Nan Shin Pao, 4/12/1899, p. 2.Google Scholar

41 See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya,’ pp. 37–40.Google Scholar

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102 Thien Nan Shin Pao, 31/5/1898, p. 1Google Scholar; see also Ch'eng-tsu, Yang, ‘Ch'iu Shu-yuan yen-chiu’ (A Study of Khoo Seok-wan), in Nanyang University Journal, Vol. 4 (1969) (Singapore), p. 102.Google Scholar

103 See editorials of the Thien Nan Shin Pao, June to September 1898.

104 The editorial was entitled ‘I kung-ch'ing t'ai-hou kuei-cheng i’ (Respectfully Urge the Empress-Dowager to Return the Sovereign Power to the Emperor), in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/9/1899, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

105 Ibid.

106 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5, 11/10/1899, p. 8.Google Scholar

107 Ibid.

108 See T'ing-yi, Kuo, Chin-tai Chung-kuo shih shih jih-chih (A Chronology of Modern Chinese History) (Taipei, 1963), Vol. 2, pp. 1038–9.Google Scholar

109 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5.Google Scholar

110 It was claimed that there were a few hundred signatures collected in Singapore, and seven hundred collected in Kuala Lumpur. The telegrams were sent separately to the Tsungli Yamen in Peking; the Singapore telegram was under the leadership of Lin Yun-lung (), a native of Nan-an district of Fukien, who was also a rich merchant; the Kuala Lumpur telegram was sent under the names of Fan Ch'ang () and Wang Tse-min (). See Thien Nan Shin Pao 13/11/1899, p. 2, 15/11/1899, p. 2Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 11/11/1899, p. 4; 17/11/1899, p. 4.Google Scholar

111 Ibid.

112 The protest movement which received a great deal of coverage in the reformist newspapers in Singapore was the one in Thailand. It was claimed that the reformists in Thailand had obtained 80,000 signatures to petition the return of the Emperor's rule. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 8/3/1900, p. 2, 20/3/1900, p. 2Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 12/3/1900, p. 4, 13/3/1900. p. 7. 19/3/1900, p. 4.Google Scholar

113 See Jit Shin Pau, 10/2/1900, p. 7, 12/2/1900, p. 6, 27/2/1900, p. 1, 28/2/1900, p. 1, 2/3/1900, p. 1 3/3/1900, 9/3/1900, p. 1, 25/4/1900, p. 1, 27/4/1900, p. 1.Google Scholar

114 A full-scale celebration of the Emperor Kuang-hsu's 30th birthday took place in Ipoh, Perak. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 31/7/1900 p. 7.Google Scholar

115 See Lo, Jung-pang, ‘Sequel to Autobiography of K'ang Yu-wei’, in Lo, Jung-pang ed.), K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and A Symposium, p. 184.Google Scholar

116 Ibid.

117 See Hsien-tzu, Wu, Chung-kuo min-chu hsien-cheng-tang shih (A History of the Chinese Reformist Party) (San Francisco, 1952), pp. 34–6Google Scholar; Fung, Edmund, ‘The T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang Revolt’, in Papers on Far Eastern History, No. 1 (03, 1970), pp. 70–114.Google Scholar

118 See Tzu-yu, Feng, Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien Ko-ming shih (A Revolutionary History Prior to the Founding of the Chinese Republic) (Taipei, 1954), Vol. 2, p. 105.Google Scholar

119 Interview with Tan Chor-nam on 7 August 1966 at his residence in Singapore. Tan was a close friend of Khoo at that time; his information could be depended upon.

120 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 22/10/1901, pp. 1–2Google Scholar; ‘Letter from Khoo Seok-wan to the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, T'ao Mo’, reprinted in Thien Man Shin Pao, 23/10/1901.Google Scholar

121 Khoo's move had greatly affected Tan Chor-nam and Teo Eng-hock, two reformists supporters at the time, who later became the leaders of the revolutionaries in Singapore. See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, p. 56.Google Scholar

122 For details relating to the publication of the two newspapers, see Hock, Chen Mong, The Early Chinese Newspapers of Singapore, pp. 63–80.Google Scholar

123 For details, see Thien Nan Shin Pao and the Jit Shin Pau between 1899 and 1900.

124 Hsien-tzu, Wu, Chung-kuo min-chu hsien-cheng tang shih, p. 28Google Scholar; Gung-wu, Wang, ‘Chinese Reformists and Revolutionaries in the Straits Settlements 1900–1911’ (unpublished B.A. Honours thesis, University of Malaya, Singapore 1953), p. 40 and Appendix B.Google Scholar

125 See Lo, Jung-pang, K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and A Symposium, p. 258, footnote 8.Google Scholar

126 See the announcement of the formation of the Hao Hsueh Hui by Dr Lim Boon Keng published in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 9/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

127 Ibid.

128 Writing about the Chinese Philomatic Society (Hao Hsueh Hui), Song Ong Siang stated that it ‘for a few years carried on a vigorous existence and brought together a number of young men and some of the older folks for the regular study of English literature, Western music and the Chinese language.’ (See Siang, Song Ong, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (reprint, Singapore, 1967), p. 236.Google Scholar This statement appears to have contradicted the professed aims of the society and was not in line with the early part of its activities. Thien Man Shin Pao, 9/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

129 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 5/10/1899, p. 1, 12/10/1899, p. 1 24/10/1899, P. 1, 31/10/1899, p. 1, 9/11/1899, p. 1, 16/11/1899, P. 1Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 6/10/1899, p. 4, 9/10/1899, p. 4, 11/10/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

130 See Jit Shin Pau, 6/10/1899, p. 4, 9/10/1899, p. 1, 11/10/1899, p. 1Google Scholar, Another reformist leader, Huang Nai-shang, who was in Peking during the Hundred Days' Reform, was invited to give his account in the 8th public lecture organized by the Hao Hsueh Hui on 18 November 1899. See the advertisement for the talk in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 16/11/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

131 See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 16/11/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

132 In the lists of Hao Hsueh Hui ‘members’, men like Wang Hui-i (), Lin Tzu-chou (), Hsu Chi-chun (), Li Yung-hsiang () were Chinese journalists working with both the Thien Nan Shin Pao and Jit Shin Pau; men like Hu Po-hsiang (), Ch'en Yung-kuang (), Liang Min-hsiu (), Ch'iu Yen-pin (), Wu Ying-p'ei (), Teo Eng-hock (), Huang Chao-k'un (), Huang Chao-chen (), Huang Chao-yuan (), Lin Wei-fang (), were known merchants. See lists of ‘members’ of the Hao Hsueh Hui published in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 9/10/1899, p. 5; 12/10/1899, p. 8; 18/10/1899, p. 5; 30/10/1899, p. 5; 4/11/1899, P 8; 11/11/1899, p. 5; 13/12/1899, p. 5.Google Scholar

133 See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, pp. 118–21, and Appendix 2 and 7.Google Scholar

134 Ibid., pp. 104–5.

135 See DrYat-sen, Sun, ‘Min-tsu chu-i’ (Nationalism), in Sun Chung-san hsuan-chi (Selected Works of Dr Sun Yat-sen) (Hong Kong, 1962), Vol. 2, p. 593.Google Scholar

136 The revolutionaries traced their anti-Manchu forerunner to the Koxinga (Cheng Ch'eng-kung) who led the resistance movement in South China and Taiwan against the Manchu conquest. For the relationship between the revolutionaries and the Koxinga's anti-Manchu nationalism see Crozier, R. C., Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), pp. 50–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

137 See Yat-sen, Sun, ‘Min-tsu chu-i’, pp. 626–37.Google Scholar

138 See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Chinese Revolutionary Propaganda Organizations in Singapore and Malaya, 1906–1911’, in Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. 29, pts 1 and 2, pp. 54–61.Google Scholar