This book promises “enriching the knowledge of the landscape” and “changing the landscape of knowledge”—claims that are well supported by the rich and varied case studies covered in the 11 main chapters. The collection is multidisciplinary. Its main areas are archaeology, geography, and cultural anthropology. The book provides broad coverage of the Asia-Pacific region, with case studies from Cambodia (two chapters), Indonesia (three chapters), the Philippines (two chapters), and one chapter each representing Guåhan (Guam), Taiwan, Rapa Nui (Easter Island), and Pohnpei. It is notable that the book's case studies largely reflect US-based scholars, institutions, or areas of influence, in addition to having a high representation of authors based in the countries from each chapter. This is not a critique of the book per se (these kinds of limitations are a normal and sometimes necessary feature of scholarship). However, it is a reminder that archaeologists should continue to critically reflect on the ways that our institutional settings affect the kinds of scholarly networks we produce and reinforce. Pacific specialists would note, for example, that representation of Francophone areas of the region, and one or more Melanesian nations, would have rounded out and added welcome diversity to that portion of the book.
Nonetheless, this book is a substantial accomplishment as it is and makes a welcome contribution to the growing body of literature in community archaeology and Indigenous heritage. Several notable themes emerge that I would add to those identified in the foreword, introductory chapter, and afterword, each of which also provides useful framing for the more geographically focused case studies. One clear theme is the continuing problem of walling off “cultural” and “natural” heritage, especially in Indigenous space. Biological environments are deeply tied to the cultural world, and vice versa. Sacred springs in Bali, the mangroves surrounding Nan Madol, or traditional swidden plots and illegal cashew farms in Phnom Kulen (among others) all have to be managed in a culturally appropriate fashion while simultaneously affecting the cultural landscapes in which they are situated. Almost every chapter includes examples of coupled human and natural relationships, and highlights the ways that Indigenous knowledge has evolved during a span of centuries or millennia to manage these relationships appropriately within the context of a local environment. At the same time, these relationships are under threat from forces including globalization and climate change and must adapt accordingly, often using a combination of scientific and Indigenous know-how.
A second theme is the role of the state in managing cultural heritage appropriately—or not. The chapters about islands in Micronesia (Guåhan and Pohnpei) demonstrate the ways that the local cultural heritage management legislation that follows the US-based Environmental Protection Act simultaneously provides a necessary brake on unchecked development and poses challenges for Indigenous people. In Guåhan, this results in an ongoing conflict between the US military-industrial complex and people who want to protect sacred Indigenous space, including one of the last living examples of a culturally significant endemic tree that was unfortunate to grow in an area that became a military training ground. In Pohnpei, the authority of the paramount Nahmnwarki chief has to be continually reasserted over the existing management arrangements for Nan Madol, including those imposed by ICOMOS and UNESCO in the World Heritage area. Other chapters represent the contradictions that emerge between national legislative power and authority in managing heritage against the interests, values, and distinctive power structures of Indigenous peoples.
Finally, the book offers useful perspectives on the nature of Indigenous communities, and indeed, all communities archaeologists might work with. A key takeaway message is that Indigenous communities are not necessarily unified or uniform, simple, or unchanging. A second point is that relationships with Indigenous people cannot be developed over weeks or months. The chapters in this book all derive from long-term partnerships created by investing years, if not decades, into working with particular groups of people, largely on their own terms. The Maluku case study provides a fascinating glimpse into the development of a research trajectory in an area with complex and contested identities during a period of violent conflict followed by a reengagement with cultural heritage as an instrument of peacemaking and community building. The chapter on Higaunon features a nuanced analysis of the ways indigeneity is being redefined within a rapidly changing social context, as oral traditions transition to written, and as traditional forms of chiefly power are out of necessity complemented with ones that engage directly with national governance structures. Overall, the book provides a valuable addition to ongoing debates about what it might mean to be “Indigenous” in the modern world. These studies should not only be of interest to regional specialists in Southeast Asia and the Pacific but also provide an important comparative perspective with similar work happening in the Americas, Africa, and other parts of Asia.
