Alguien dijo una vez que el Uruguay es como un pedazo del Brasil que se introdujera en la Argentina. Aunque exagerada y arbitraria, dicha afirmación tiene cierta parte de verdad. El Uruguay participa, en general, de características —geográficas, geológicas— del Estado de Rio Grande do Sul. Y nuestra capital, Montevideo, posee cierta influencia urbana que le viene de Buenos Aires. Pero es preciso destacar nuestra posesión de una personalidad que —si no muy definida (y en esto nos parecemos a otros países de América)— presenta rasgos que le son propios.

Somos casi el único país del Continente que no posee indios puros. Sin embargo, paseando por nuestras ciudades y sobre todo por nuestra campaña, no es difícil encontrar, en algunos perfiles humanos, de nariz aguileña y cabellos lacios y renegridos, muy vagas reminiscencias indígenas.

The purpose of this paper is to draw together from primary sources the case history of formative policy years for the Central Bank of Honduras. This bank, like others formed throughout the underdeveloped world in the post-World War II era, was created in 1950 as a vehicle for stimulating economic growth. In retrospect over 186 months of operations this particular Central Bank has an unusually outstanding policy record—a record which argues forcefully for appropriate monetary policy as a stimulant to economic advance.

The first meeting of Central Bank directors was held on May 31, 1950, for the purpose of establishing the major monetary policies under which the Bank would commence operations July 1. At that meeting the directors established a schedule of maximum interest rates to be charged by the public commercial banks and a schedule of rates at which eligible commercial paper of 12 months maturity or less could be rediscounted with the Central Bank.

In the life of Latin American cities the rapid expansion of slum neighborhoods has emerged as a compelling problem. The inability of city authorities to provide adequate and inexpensive housing for rural-to-urban migrants, as well as for those economically poor persons born and raised in the city, has clashed with the tremendous growth of the population and its drive toward urbanization. The impoverished families must settle wherever they can. Scattered throughout Mexico City, for instance, on vacant lots adjoining factories or on the periphery of the metropolitan area are shack homes built of miscellaneous materials, known as jacales, or the rows of single-story concrete, brick, or adobe dwellings called vecindades. Beyond Mexico City, there are the villas miserias of Buenos Aires, the favelas on the rocky promontories of Rio de Janeiro, the barrios clandestinos of Bogotá, the barriadasmarginales of Lima, the ranchos of Caracas, and the callampas (mushrooms) of Santiago.

La poesía que podemos llamar actual en el Paraguay es un hecho en el cual participan las tres promociones surgidas tras la frustración de la generación llamada de Juventud (que desarrolló de 1923 a 1927 una obra signada por un posmodernismo epigonista) y el largo hiato posterior, 1926-1940, justificado por la guerra y posguerra inmediata del Chaco. Un panorama de esta poesía ha de abarcar, por ahora al menos, y mientras las más recientemente surgidas no estabilicen su definición poética, estas tres promociones, todas ellas en plena vigencia literaria. Aunque como es lógico ocupan planos distintos de manifestación, las unifica la común búsqueda de una solución al problema de una expresión vital por largo tiempo demorada.

An international organization is only as effective as the degree of support which its sovereign members are willing to give it. This axiom would probably not be disputed, except for the fact that the word “degree” has the inherent property of evaluation hidden in its meaning. This evaluation, since it deals with the mainstream of a nation's political life, is not capable of purely quantitative analysis. A nation's ideas on sovereignty are involved in international cooperation. Its foreign policy, be it passive, neutral, or aggressive, is certainly involved. Its domestic status in terms of tranquility or violence, poverty or plenty, is deeply involved. A world power is tempted to pre-empt an undue share of the credit for the success of an international organization, especially in the field of conflict resolution. The contribution of a single weak nation is often overlooked, and yet the sum of the weak nations' contributions may conceivably be the balancing factor among irreconcilable giants.

For the past twenty years the South American republic of Colombia has suffered from a social phenomenon of such magnitude that it has defied not only the contemporary jargon of sociologists and political scientists but even the time-honored terminology of insurrection, rebellion, riot and revolution. Perhaps because the only element of this phenomenon that all observers can agree upon is the fact that it is and has been eminently violent, it has come to be called simply “la violencia,” or “The Violence.”

The phenomenon known as la violencia never has been completely absent from Colombia since 1946, but it has had two periods of particular virulence, the first between 1948 and 1953 affecting the departments of Tolima, Boyacá, Cundinamarca, Antioquia, Valle, Caldas, Cauca, Santander del Sur, Arauca, Huila, Chocó, Caquetá, Meta, Casanare, Vichada and Bolívar, that is, the entire country with the exception of parts of the Atlantic coast and the southernmost department of Nariño.

En este breve estudio me propongo destacar algunas de las ideas del casi desconocido pensador argentino Vicente Fatone cuya personalidad ha gravitado decisivamente en los estudios filosóficos en la Argentina.

Aparte de sus peculiares características personales —de que ahora no me ocuparé— Fatone poseía la fecunda virtud de saber mirar filosóficamente los más variados asuntos de la preocupación humana. Esto cobra especial relieve si se atiende a que Buenos Aires no es sólo una gran ciudad sino una frontera. Hacia adentro comunica con un país de tenue tradición cultural. Hacia afuera … Acaso la mejor definición de Buenos Aires consista en no limitar ese otro mundo al que está abierta. Ese otro mundo ha sido y es una larga conquista que aún no ha cesado y a cuya ampliación contribuyó Fatone en insospechada medida. Merced a él se incorporan al círculo de preocupaciones del argentino —aparte de innumerables pensadores, obras y corrientes del pensamiento— tres grandes orbes ideales: el Oriente, el pensamiento místico especulativo de las culturas más importantes y, en menor medida, la filosofía científica o analítica anglosajona.

Although Church-State Relations have seldom been viewed from the standpoint of nationalism, they raise a series of questions concerning the patterns of loyalty which citizens render to both Church and State. Historians frequently find common religion to be an element of nationalism, but in the nominally Catholic countries of Latin America references to “common religion” in fact hide major diversities and degrees of belief. If reiterations of a common religious heritage by the mass of a population can strengthen thensentiments of common origin and national purpose, open conflict between religious groups may also belie national unity. Religious and national loyalties may be overlapping and mutually reinforcing, or they may be contradictory and antagonistic. The nature of the loyalties differs in time even within the same national context.

A indústria do mate foi, durante um longo período do Brasil independente — mas já também ao tempo da colonia — urna das mais importantes fontes de riqueza, mantenedora e incentivadora do progresso de capitanías e de provincias sulinas.

A extincáo recente do Instituto Nacional do Mate, depois de 33 anos de existencia, mostra que o mate, como outras riquezas brasileiras, em outras épocas, tende á vida latente, ou a entrar em colapso.

Essa fonte de riqueza antiga, desde há alguns anos entrou em plena decadencia. íntimamente essa regressáo se tem acentuado, infelizmente, por deficiencia de mercados, e a concorréncia e producáo dos argentinos.

Ainda mesmo, porém, que o mate nao seja mais industria florescente, merece, por varios títulos, estudos económicos e históricos.

The formulation of policy alternatives for shaping the future of Guatemala is inextricably interwoven with the Indian and his relation to the land. Available figures indicate that the majority of the population of Guatemala is culturally designated as Indian and has retained a marked dependence on the land. Guatemalan problems and prospects, therefore, cannot be fully grasped without a clear understanding of the historic role of land within the surviving Indian cultures and the prevailing Indian attitude toward land tenure. Although the traditional pattern of “communal ownership” has been subjected periodically to pressures designed to convert the Indian to an apprehension and acceptance of “private property” as a prerequisite for socioeconomic advance, the nature and extent of the conversion are not really known. Basic though such an understanding would seem to be, the matter has not been fully explored and definite conclusions are therefore lacking.