All are agreed that towards the end of his long life Euripides leff Athens and went to the court of Archelaus, king of Macedon. From Plato 1 and many other sources we know that Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdiccas II., by Simiche, a slave girl, and had succeeded to his father by murdering his uncle Alcetas, his half-brother, and his cousin. As these events occurred in 413 or 412 B.C., the poet's visit must have been later than that date, and has with probability been placed soon after the production of his Orestes at Athens in Ol. 92. 4 (409–8).

It would add greatly to our interest in the plays of Plautus if we knew more about the order in which they were produced. As it is, our knowledge of the dates of the plays is pitifully meagre and uncertain. Miles Gloriosus appears to have been produced soon after 206; Cistellaria about 201; Stichus (the only play that can be dated with certainty) in 200; Trinummus soon after 194; Pseudolus probably is 191, and Truculentus about 189. The date of the remaining seventeen plays is unknown. We can only infer their relation one to another from the internal evidence of language, metre, and structure. The results of an examination on these lines, if they converged, might be useful in enabling us to arrange the plays roughly in a number of well-defined groups. Mr. Sedgwick 1 has recently made an interesting attempt to approach the problem from the side of metre. I think that a more intensive study of the plays from the side of language might lead to profitable results. My immediate concern is, however, only with a small corner of this vast field—viz., the frequent coincidence of thought and phrase which is so marked a feature of these plays.

In the Classical Quarterly, XIX., pp. 192–3, in some remarks on the word celtis, I suggested that the Philoxenus gloss CE 23 (Celtis ῥνα ίΧθύοςεἷδος) was in reality a fusion of two glosses—

Celtis : ῥȋνα

Celtis (?): ίΧθύος εἶδος

and I tried to show that the former was a Bible gloss from Job xix. 24. Since the appearance of my article it has been pointed out by Professor Housman, in a communication to Professor W. M. Lindsay, that I had overlooked the kindred Philoxenus gloss SQ 4 (Squatus: ῥȋνα εἶδος ìΧθύος); and it would appear that, in view of this regrettable oversight, the division of the gloss CE 23 and the explanation of the first part as a Bible gloss is untenable.

Ib. 8–16. εἱ δ&apos οὖν γὼ μν ϕυγς… οἱ δ' χθρο οὑμο λαμπρο κα μέγα ἰσχύοντες oi δ ταῖροι ὑμεῖς οὒτε αὐτΟθΙ <χρήσιμοι οὒτε ἂλλΟθΙ> οὐδαμο, δουλεία δ' ν τῷ μέσῳ παιδαρίων ρϕανν πολλν, λυναικν ρήμων τν ὑμετέρων κα τ ς μ ς, γ ο ν έ ω ν [δ] κα πρεσβυτν κα πρεσβυτίδεν (νίοις γρ αὑτν κα οἱ γονεῖς ἕτι εἰσἱν)—εἰ τατα πάντα… καταλαμβάνοι κτ.

οὑμο Hr: οὐχ οἱ P ∥ <>* ∥ οὐδαμο*: οὐδ' μο P ∥ τς μς, γονέων*: τν μν, νίων δ P.

In a previous article I attempted to show the relationship between the most important MSS. of the Aethiopica, and to fix the basis on which the text ought to be built. The object of the present enquiry is to go more deeply into the history of the Xylander MS., which was only lightly touched upon then, and to estimate the value of another MS., which received no treatment at all.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, V. 9. 8, p. 99, Wendland preserves a curious hymn to Attis: εἲτε Κρόνον γένος εἲτε ‘Pέας μεγάλης, χαῖρ’ ὦ τ κατηϕς ἂκουσμα ‘Pέας Ἄττι σ καλοσι μν’ Ασσύριοι τριπόθητον Ἄδωνιν, δλη δ' Αἲγυπτος Ὄσιριν, πουράνιον μηνς (Μηνς Wilamowitz) κέρας ‘Eλληνς σοϕία, Σαμοθρᾷκες Ἅδαμνα σεβάσμιον, Αίμόνιοι Κορύβαντα, κα οἱ ϕρύγες ἃλλοτε μν IIάπαν, ποτ δ’ αὖ νέκυν ἥ θεν… It is preceded by a long exegetical disquisition, which treats the various divine names in the order in which they occur in the hymn, and includes the remarks, 8. 13, p. 91, τοτόν, ϕησι, θρᾷκες οἱ περ τν Αἷμον οἰκοντες Κορύβαντα καλοσι, κα θρᾳξν οἱ Φρύγες μοίως… τν αὐτν δ τοτν, Φησι, Φρύγες κα IIπαν καλοσιν (after about a page of explanation). The statement here made is obviously at variance with the hymn: Αἱμόνιοι are properly Thessalians, and have nothing to do with Mount Haemus. Moreover, we have evidence for the cult of a Korybas, more commonly called a Kabeiros, at the foot of Mount Olympus, and as Mount Olympus lies on the borders of Thessaly and Macedonia, this may be designated as a cult by Thessalians. Αἱμόνιοι therefore agrees with facts, and the explanation given by Hippolytus or by the authority whom he was following can be explained as due to a confusion of place-names. It led here to the further error of θρᾷκες; the attribution of orgiastic cults to Thracians was natural, but there seems a lack of evidence for Korybas or Korybantes in Thrace.

This passage, which is in a way a digression from the main subject of the second book, arboriculture, and stands out from the rest of the poem, is one of the best known of the entire work, chiefly, it would seem, on account of its exquisite beauty, but partly also, no doubt, for the distinctly modern note it strikes; for it can justly be regarded as an early example of a national anthem. As a matter of fact, it has been recognized as such from the dawn of the Renaissance, and Petrarch's famous

Salue cara Deo tellus: sanctissima salue: was directly inspired by Vergil's

Salue, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, Magna uirum.

The MS. tradition of Prudentius is particularly interesting, since in the famous Codex Puteanus (Par. Lat. 8084) we have a MS. dating from the early sixth century—i.e. but little more than a hundred years after the publication of the collected poems in 405. Yet it has only been of late years that due consideration has been given to this ancient Codex, which is the actual MS. corrected by Vettius Mavortius' own hand. Mr. Winstedt has spoken (Classical Review, 1904, pp. 112 sqq.) of the neglect which it has suffered for the most part from editors, and also (C.R., 1905, pp. 56 sqq.) of the similar lack of attention paid even by Dressel to its seventh-century companion at Milan—the Codex Ambrosianus; while, later, J. Bergman shewed himself enthusiastic in its praise (Sitzungsberichte der kais. Ahad. der Wissenschaften in Wien, 1907). A confirmation is now available of a curious and generally discredited reading in this MS. (the Puteanus), from that same Arma glossary (Leyd. 67F, 1191–128r) of ‘saec. viii.-ix’ which bears witness to the readings of a lost Terence MS. of the δ-family, the best minuscule family, older than any extant MS., as I shewed in the April, 1925, number of this journal. At Prud. Apoth. 895 the reading of Puteanus is—

Agenitus genitusque deus, pater et patre natus.