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The Jew that Shakespeare Drew

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Extract

How far is it legitimate for a director to correct Shakespeare’s antisemitism in The Merchant of Venice?

SO, begging a question or two, wrote the theatre critic Benedict Nightingale in a review of a recent London production of the play in which the Christians were portrayed as rabid Nazis. Almost fifty years after the Holocaust, it appears, it is still difficult for directors and critics alike to approach The Merchant without a feeling of unease. Current wisdom—or lingering guilt—insists that the play is, in a real and unacceptable sense, racist.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1992

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References

1 The Times, 8 Feb. 1991, p. 18. [My italics.]

2 Sanders, Wilbur, The Dramatist and the Received Idea (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar, ch. 3.

3 Barker, Harley Granville, Prefaces to Shakespeare, Second Series (London, 1935), P. 83.Google Scholar

4 I am not discussing here the later ‘dark comedies’, All’s Well that Ends Well, Measure for Measure, and Troilus and Cressida.

5 That is, in the sense that he can ever be found taking sides in an Anglican/Puritan/Roman Catholic debate.

6 Sanders, Received Idea, p. 14.

7 Ibid., p. 12.

8 Ibid., pp. 15.

9 Ibid., pp. 15-16.

10 Sir Hunter, Mark, ‘Spiritual Values in Shakespeare’, in Burkitt, F. C., ed., Speculum Religionis; (Oxford, 1929), pp. 116, 118.Google Scholar

11 Israel, Jonathan I., European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550-1750 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 Tawney, R. H. and Power, Eileen, eds, Tudor Economic Documents, 3 vols (London, 1924), 1, pp. 15463 Google Scholar; 2, p. 364.

13 Bouwsma, William J., Calvin, John (Oxford, 1988), p. 198.Google Scholar

14 Israel, European Jewry, p. 13; Lewis, Gillian, ‘Geneva 1541-1608’, in Prestwich, Menna, ed., International Calvinism 1541-1715 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 545 Google Scholar; Herbert Luthy, ‘Variations on a Theme by Max Weber’, in ibid., pp. 384-90.

15 Ramsey, Peter, Tudor Economic Problems (London, 1965), p. 153.Google Scholar

16 Smith, Henry, The Examination of Usury. The First Sermon (London, 1591 Google Scholar; Complete Sermons,’ 599), PP. 93-4. [My italics.)

17 Collinson, P., ‘Godly Preachers and Zealous Magistrates in East Anglia: the Roots of Dissent,’ in Religious Dissent in East Anglia (Cambridge, 1991), p. 24.Google Scholar

18 The phrase was coined by Fisch, Harold, Jerusalem and Albion: the Hebraic Factor in Seventeenth-Century Literature (London, 1964).Google Scholar

19 Clasen, Claus-Peter, The Palatinate in European History, 1555-1618, rev. edn (Oxford, 1966), p. 42.Google Scholar

20 Israel, European Jewry, p. 14.

21 Prior, Roger, ‘A second Jewish community in Tudor London’, TJHSE, 31 (1990), pp. 13752.Google Scholar

22 Rowse, A. L., Shakespeare the Man (London, 1973)Google Scholar; and The Poems of Shakespeare’s Dark Lady (London, 1978).

23 Jones, G. Lloyd, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: a Third Language (Manchester, 1983).Google Scholar

24 Even so, Lloyd Jones makes no mention of John Foxe and lays no stress on John Jewel’s Heb raicism as disseminated through the English Homilies: Vincenette d’Uzer, ‘The Jews in the Sixteenth-century Homilies’, pp. 265-77, above. He also ignores the claim of Theodore K. Rabb: ‘The stirrings of the 1590s and the return of the Jews to England’, TJHSE, 26 (1979), p. 26, that Richard Hooker be accorded a place of honour because, as a member of the Establishment, ‘he did more to alter the consciousness of the people who ruled the land than had a dozen Professors of Hebrew or minor theologians.’ In the light of Lloyd Jones’s own researches, and the wider Jewish community unearthed by Roger Prior, perhaps the claim was overstated.

25 Roth, Cecil, A History of the Jews in England (Oxford, 1941), p. 148 Google Scholar; and see also Fisch, Jerusalem and Albion.

26 Prior,‘A second Jewish community’, p. 149.

27 Hyamson, Albert M., The Sephardim of England (London, 1952), p. 8.Google Scholar

28 Roth, Jews in England, pp. 139-44; Sisson, C. J., ‘A Colony of Jews in Shakespeare’s London’, in Roberts, S. C., ed., Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association (Oxford, 1938), pp. 3851 Google Scholar; Samuel, Edgar, ‘Passover in Shakespeare’s London’, TJHSE, 26 (1979), pp. 11718.Google Scholar

29 Roth, Jews in England, pp. 140–1.

30 For the details, see Gwyer, John, ‘The Case of Dr Lopez’, TJHSE, 16 (1952), pp. 1814 Google Scholar; Lacey, Robert, Robert Earl of Essex: an Elizabethan Icarus (London, 1970), pp. 11520.Google Scholar But in a private conversation with the present writer at this year’s conference, Professor David Katz revealed that in his forthcoming book on the Jews in England he will argue that Lopez was guilty of treason and that hisjewishness was not a factor in his destruction.

31 Rabb, ‘The Stirrings of the 1590s’, p. 26:‘… perhaps the most strident antisemitism England had seen since the days of the expulsion under Edward I’.

32 Collins, D. C., A Handlist of News Pamphlets 1590-1610 (London [Thurrock], 1943), p. 30 Google Scholar:there was only one news pamphlet on the subject, A True Report of Sundry Horrible Conspiracies …, printed by Charles Yetsweirt Esq. in November 1594. Yetsweirt, otherwise unknown as a printer, was by profession a Clerk of the Signet, and was thus in a position to receive and disseminate special information. The pamphlet was therefore perhaps a ‘government puff’ rather than a response to popular interest.

33 The Sacred Wood (London, 1920; 4th edn, 1934), p. 92.

34 The prevailing tendency is still to regard the play as unremittingly anti-Semitic. This seems to me untenable, and thus the argument of Yates, Frances A., The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age (London, 1979), pp. 11525, 2034 Google Scholar, that Marlowe was an intellectual reactionary assailing the tendencies of Renaissance magic and Christian Hebraism in general, and the Earl of Leicester’s circle in particular, is here omitted from the discussion.

35 Sanders, Received Idea, pp. 41, 43–4.

36 See below, p. 291. And for the notion of a Jew-usurer biting, see Henry Smith, Examination of Usury, p. 96.

37 The Merchant of Venice, ed. M. M. Mahood, New Cambridge Shakespeare (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 21-2 [hereafter Mahood].

38 Mahood, p. 1.

39 Mahood, p. 8, suggests that Marlowe presented Shakespeare with ‘a challenge rather than a source’, and speaks of a ‘fruitful and creative resistance to Marlowe’s play’.

40 Mahood, p. 9, prefers this description to ‘fairy tale’, which term can induce ‘a dangerous condescension in the reader and a dangerous whimsy in the director’.

41 See ‘The Myth of Venice’ in Mahood, pp. 12-15.

42 Hunt, Hugh, Old Vic Prefaces (London, 1954), p. 150.Google Scholar

43 Antonio, and not Shylock, is the ‘Merchant’ of the title.

44 I.ii.33-74.

45 Hunt, Old Vic Prefaces, p. 152.

46 Quoted in Mahood, p. 72n., and in The Merchant of Venice, ed. John Russell Brown, New Arden Edition (London, 1955), p. 24n. [hereafter Russell Brown].

47 The commentators have shirked the task of asking why Shylock finds the word ‘interest’ so repugnant. If Mr Tavernor (p. 282 above) could differentiate berween interest as good and usury as evil, why does Shakespeare make Shylock balk at the word? The answer is that ‘interest’ had quite recently changed its meaning. In medieval Latin usage, ‘interest’ differed from ‘usury’ in that the latter was avowedly a charge for the use of money (forbidden by canon law); whereas ‘interest’ referred to compensation which, under Roman law, was due from a debtor who had defaulted (OED: ‘interest’, sb. 10.a). Shylock does not recognize canon law; regarding his ‘thrift’ and ‘usances’ as quite legitimate, he takes exception to Antonio’s equating them with the much more unpalatable business of exacting a penalty from a defaulter. With this subtle semantic point, Shakespeare introduces the central issue of the Shylock-Antonio story: Shylock objects to the suggestion that his business practices smack of revenge; in the event he pursues his revenge mercilessly.

48 Mahood, p. 73n.

49 I.iii.56-7.

50 The commentators have been largely confused by Shylock’s arguments and by Antonio’s contemptuous dismissal of them (I.iii.86-90). The latter passage in fact accords with general theological opinion on the subject, but is too eliptical, perhaps, to serve as a cogent dramatic argument. For discussion of Laban in contemporary treatises, see Arnold Williams, The Common Expositor (Chapel Hill, NC, 1948), pp. 170–3.

51 I.iii. 122-30.

52 Mahood, p. 24.

53 Henry Smith, The Examination of Usury, p. 95. [My italics.]

54 Ibid., p. 104.

55 Mahood, p. 92n.

56 Russell Brown, p. xli.

57 Earle, John, Micro-cosmographie, 5th edn (London, 1629), ed. Arber, Edward (London, 1869), pp. 99100.Google Scholar

58 Russell Brown, p. xlii, following E. E. Stoll, finds in ‘wilderness of monkeys’ a ‘kind of comic climax by repetition’. This strikes me as grotesquely wide of the mark; it is surely a tragic climax by (typically Shakespearean) exaggeration.

59 Lack of pietas in daughters is one of Shakespeare’s abiding themes: Juliet, Desdemona, Celia, and Hermia spring readily to mind. In Shakespearean terms, Jessica is strong and admirable, not weak and contemptible. Strong-minded women fascinated Shakespeare, and strong-minded women who exhibit pietas without ‘denying’ themselves—Rosalind, Viola, Cordelia, and both Portias—are amongst his crowning achievements.

60 Russell Brown, p. xl.