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Energy as Power—Gazprom, Gas Infrastructure, and Geo-governmentality in Putin’s Russia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Abstract

This study unfolds the normalizing narrative that is constructed via the Gazifikatsiia Rossii promotional video released by Gazprom. The analysis reveals that the practiced geo-governmentality of gazifikatsiia derives its power from geographical imaginaries of Russia. This bipartite energopower and geo-governmentality receives its essence from the positive and negative materialities of hydrocarbons, the ability to do both “good” and “bad”, which unfolds the way the non-human is embedded in the construction of the social. This construction lumps together the material-nationalistic energy imagination, such as Russia as an energy Superpower, with universal goals such as economic growth and modernization, but also with values such as conservative gender roles. The rationalities and practices of gazifikatsiia geo-governmentality function in and combine several scales: the subject is tied to territories and the nation via gas, the subject is made responsible for the biosecurity of the population, and the global is harnessed in legitimizing the reliance on gas.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies, Inc. 2016

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References

This research was carried out under the auspices of the Finnish Centre of Excellence (CoE) in Russian Studies “Choices of Russian Modernisation,” and relates to the project “Russia’s final energy frontier—Sustainability challenges of the Russian Far North” (Academy of Finland project no. 277874). I wish to thank the five anonymous reviewers, editor of Slavic Review Professor Harriet Murav, and my colleagues at the CoE in Russian Studies, especially Professor Margarita Balmaceda, for their insightful criticism and advice.

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57. Women are viewed also as highly educated professionals, but at the same time as mothers and “beauty queens,” whereas men are presented either as executive bosses or as heroic and masculine industrial workers.

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60. Huxley, “Geographies of governmentality,” 194. See also Whatmore, Sarah, “Hybrid Geographies: Rethinking the ‘Human’ in Human Geography,” in Massey, Doreen, Allen, John and Sarre, Philip, eds., Human Geography Today (Cambridge, Eng., 2003), 26,33Google Scholar.

61. This “agency” of space and the materialities it holds links the geo-governmen-tality approach to Latour and his Actor-Network theory and to the wider discussions in science-technology studies about the role of the material and the technological in human life, culture and politics.

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67. Ibid, 239.

68. Boyer, “Energopower,” 321-28, and Rogers, “Energopolitical Russia” 436.

69. In a similar vein Collier, Post-Soviet Social, has advised us not to consider society and its communities as a pre-given category, but as an assemblage of things, rationalities, discourses, and actions that constitute (local) biopolitics.

70. See Gustafson, Wheel of Fortune, 490-92.

71. Gustafson, Wheeř of Fortune, 493.

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73. According to the gazifikatsiia program, the obligation of Gazprom is to deliver gas “to the municipality’s border”; the local authorities’ task is to build a local gas-distribution network.

74. I refer here to the work of Bakker, Karen and Bridge, Gavin, “Material Worlds? Resource Geographies and the ‘Matter of Nature,’Progress in Human Geography 30, no. 1 (February 2006): 527 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also: Barry, Andrew, Material Politics: Disputes Along the Pipehne (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bridge, “Material Worlds,”1217-44, Bridge, “Geographies of Peak Oil,” 527-28, Bridge, “Past Peak-Oil,” 316-20, Watts, “Antinomies of Community,” 200-02, and Watts, “Resource Curse Governmentality,” 75-76. The main contribution of this work has been the taxonomy of effects the hydrocarbon sector has had on societal development via its spatialities and materialities. For example, the proposition that hydrocarbon industries produce a specific choke-point geography—i.e. the agency of narrow oil and gas transport corridors (such as pipelines) to promote by their physical character coercive rule and militarization in the affected societies along the route—is directly linked to the societal effects produced by gas-distribution pipelines.

75. “Gazprom naměřen vlozhiť v gazifikatsiiu Karelii 8 mlrd rublei” (Gazprom aims to invest 8 billion rubles to gasify Karelia) at http://stolicaonego.ru/news/186652.html (last accessed April 21, 2016).

76. Whether Russia is as an energy superpower was hotly debated especially after the 2006 and 2009 gas disputes between Ukraine, Russia, and the EU, but the issue has been revived during the 2014 Ukrainian crisis. Noteworthy is the way official Russia has talked about its energy as leverage: the assertive position of the early 2000s that Russia uses energy as a geopolitical resource, clearly stated in the Energy Strategy of Russia from 2003, was softened after 2008-2009, when Russia articulated its energy-policy aims towards the west. However, at the same time, the construction of the energy-superpower discourse has intensified (especially during the 2014 crisis) with the Russian domestic audience, as clearly shown by Natal’ya Grib, Gazovyi Imperator. Rossiia i Novyi Miroporiadok (The Gas Emperor: Russia and the New World Order) (Moscow, 2009)Google Scholar.

77. Bridge, “Past Peak-Oil,” 318-20; Watts, “Antinomies of Community”, 202; Watts, “Resource Curse Governmentality,” 59.

78. Accounting for circa 10 percent of the population of the region.

79. The inefficiency of gas-compressor stations is one reason why Gazprom is Gazprom’s biggest client, as Sutela, Pekka, The Political Economy of Putin’s Russia (London, 2012)Google Scholar, claims.

80. One central reason why oil companies have not been able to meet the associated petroleum gas utilization levels is because Gazprom is blocking oil companies from feeding gas into the national pipeline system, because it wants to avoid competition, see Tonje Hulbak Røland, “Associated Petroleum Gas in Russia,” 37.

81. “The Power Within—Gazprom International,” at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NOIhdk2UAWU (last accessed January 24, 2016).

82. However, as said, this responsibility is ethnically discriminative, as indigenous people of the North are ignored in the video.

84. Rogers, “The Materiality of the Corporation,” 288-89; and Rogers, “Energopoliti- cal Russia,” 437-43

85. Legg, “Foucaulťs Population Geographies,” 147-49.

86. Mitchell, Timothy, Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil (London, 2011)Google Scholar.

87. Collier, Post-Soviet Social, 238-39.