Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
Although the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) did not officially abandon Marxism until the Bad Godesberg Parteitag in 1959, both intellectually and politically the party's ideology was revised under the leadership of Kurt Schumacher whose “passion, intellect, and will” dominated the SPD for seven years following World War II (1945–52). The final disintegration of German Marxism under Kurt Schumacher can be demonstrated by examining the three crucial elements of Marxist socialist ideology: (1) motivation for socialism, (2) theory of the socialist movement, and (3) relations between German nationalism and socialism.
1 Editorial, Die neue Gesellschaft, No. 2 (1954), 60Google Scholar.
2 Deckert, W. characterized the situation in his native land: “Then what do we see here? Hate filled quarrels in distressing overcrowding, mutual thievery, and cheating; refugees from the East, the poorest of the poor, avoided like a plague; particularism of the most evil kind growing in offices of state governments.” Geist und Tat, N. 1 (01, 1948), 39Google Scholar.
3 Schmid, Carlo, a prominent socialist leader, “Policy of German Social Democracy,” Socialist International Information, II (1952), No. 1, 12Google Scholar. Aspects of the postwar social crisis are discussed by Becker, Howard, Neuman, Sigmund, and Neumann, Franz in Morgenthau, Hans J. (ed.), Germany and the Future of Europe (Chicago, 1951), pp. 12–40 and 100–107Google Scholar.
4 This situation actually had the proportions of a major crisis. In 1952, that is, at the end of the examined period, the SPD still had only 3% of its total membership consisting of people younger than 25 years. Of the total membership of 650,000, about 75% were older than 45, that is, people who were old enough to vote at the time the SPD was suppressed by the Nazis. See Lange, Max G. et al. , Parteien in der Bundesrepublik (Stuttgart and Dusseldorf, 1955), p. 190Google Scholar. The percentage of the party's total electoral vote, combined with that of the Communists, was smaller than in 1912.
5 Cf. Jahrbuch der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, 1946, p. 62.
6 Ibid.
7 Socialist International Information, II (1952), No. 1, 10Google Scholar.
8 Jahrbuch der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, 1947, pp. 113–14.
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10 Jahrbuch … 1947, p. 113. Periodicals published by the Berlin Socialists include Das sozialistische Jahrhundert, a very fresh and stimulating periodical; Willi Eichler, an “ethical” socialist leader and member of the Parteivorstand, published Geist und Tat; students voiced outspoken views in their monthly links.
11 Rheinischer Merkur cit. by Buettner, Manfred, “Motive und Methoden der deutschen Sozialdemokratie,” Die Zukunft (Vienna), No. 11 (1948), 356Google Scholar.
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17 Cf. Eichler, Willi, 100 Jahre Sozialdemokratie(Bonn, 1962), p. 71Google Scholar.
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19 At the Hannover Parteitag Schumacher said he was glad to have all four views represented among the ranks of the SPD. (See Protokoll … 1946, p. 26). The Socialist International, meeting in 1951 in Frankfurt, listed similar categories of socialist motivation.
20 In Wandlungen des Sozialismus (Verlag fuer Wirtschaft und Politik, 1947)Google Scholar Ortleib wrote that the aims of both socialism and liberalism “are the same. Their means are different. The aim of both is social order conceived in freedom and justice. Liberalism strives at this aim through an individualistically organized free economic order; socialism believes that only a socially interwoven economy can reach this goal.” (p. 38); further, see Ortleib's, article “Neuer Liberalismus?” in Das sozialistische Jahrhundert, No. 17/18 (1947), esp. p. 258Google Scholar; see also his very interesting criticisms of the party's ideology after the lost Bundestag elections in 1953, in Gewerkschaftliche Monatshefte, October, 1953, pp. 593 ff., esp. p. 598.
21 See Tillich, Ernst, “Ziegenhain-ein Anfang?,” Das sozialistische Jahrhundert, No. 23/24 (1947), 373Google Scholar.
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29 Dietrich, Heinrich, Fuer Religion und Sozialismus (Karlsruhe, after 1945), p. 15Google Scholar.
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35 Die Neue Vorwaerts, July 4, 1958, p. 2.
36 Parteitag 1950; Die Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands vor de geistigen Situation dieser Zeit; Referat gehalten von Prof. Dr. Carlo Schmid (Hamburg, 1950).
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43 Richard Loewenthal, an exiled German socialist theoretician first worked for the English Observer and now teaches at the Free University of West Berlin.
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54 Protokoll … 1946, p. 53.
55 Heidegger, Herman, Die Deutsche Sozialdemokratie und der nationale Stoat 1870–1920 (Goettingen, 1956), p. 369Google Scholar.
56 Maehl, William, “The Triumph of Nationalism in the German Socialist Party on the Eve of the First World War,” Journal of Modern History, XXIV (1952), 15–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The author convincingly argues that the socialist decision to support the Kaiser's military machine really was made before the outbreak of World War I, at the Jena Party convention of 1913; cf. Schorske, Carl E., German Social Democracy 1905–1917 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), pp. 267–280Google Scholar.
57 For opposing interpretations of the meaning of this decision see Berlau, A. Joseph, The German Social Democratic Party 1914–1921 (New York, 1949), pp. 69–91Google Scholar; and Schorske, , op. cit., p. 285Google Scholar.
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59 Das Programm der Opposition, p. 46.
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61 Cf. Dirks, Walter, “Die Sozialdemokratie und der nationale Staat,” Frankfurter Hefte, No. 12 (1949), 1019Google Scholar.
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67 “Wandlungen um den Klassenkampf” (1946), reprinted in Turmwaechter der Demokratie, II, 297.
68 Protokoll … 1946, pp. 32–33.
69 Ibid., p. 24.
70 See Protokoll … 1950, pp. 101 ff.
71 See, for example, Protokoll … 1946, p. 32; Protokoll … 1950, p. 67.
72 Fuer Frieden, Freiheit und Sozialismus, pp. 4–5.
73 Cf. “Brief von Kurt Schmidt an seine Freunde in New York,” Her neue Kampf um Freiheit, p. 15. “We were not liberated,” he said, “we were vanquished.” How deeply Schumacher was hurt by the Allied refusal to treat the“good” Germans as equals is shown, for example, in Protokoll … 1946, p. 32; cf. Wesemann, Fried, Kurt Schumacher (Frankfurt A.M., 1952), p. 109Google Scholar.
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75 Protokoll … 1946, p. 62; see also Wesemann, , op. cit., pp. 139, 194Google Scholar.
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77 Protokoll … 1950, pp. 65, 82.
78 Eliasberg, Vera F., “Political Party Developments,” in Almond, Gabriel A. (ed.), The Struggle for Democracy in Germany (Chapel Hill, 1949), p. 243Google Scholar.
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82 Schmid, Carlo, Socialist International Information, II (1952), No. 1, 11Google Scholar; see also Schumacher's, Kurt speech, Protokoll … 1950, p. 76Google Scholar.
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86 loc. cit., Vol. II (1952), No. 10, 8–9Google Scholar.
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88 Schumacher's chief antagonist, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, never regarded the socialist leader as “another Hitler.” In a conference with Winston Churchill, held in London on December 3, 1951, Adenauer is reported to have answered Churchill's query about West Germany's internal situation in the following way: “We shall not permit a repetition of events of 1930 to 1933. Herr Schumacher, also, should not b e taken so tragically. He is a nationalist with a Marxist foundation. The greatest danger lies in the problem of refugees.” Weymar, Paul, Konrad Adenauer (Muenchen, 1955), p. 658Google Scholar.
89 Protokoll … 1950 p. 248; cf. Wahrhaftig, S. L., “Der Weg der Sozialdemokraten,” first publ. in Frankfurter Hefte (1952)Google Scholar, reprinted in Ossip K. Flechtheim, Die deutschen Parteien seit 1945 (Berlin, 1957), p. 110.
90 Handbuch sozialdemokratischer Politik, p. 144.
91 Die Forderung des Tages (Stuttgart, 1948), pp. 70–71Google Scholar.
92 Handbuch sozialdemokratischer Politik, p. 144.
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94 Cf. Heidegger, , op. cit., pp. 379–380Google Scholar.
95 Handbuch sozialdemokratischer Politik, p. 144.
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97 Gleisberg, G., Handbuch sozialdemokratischer Politik, p. 146Google Scholar.
98 Ibid, pp. 46 ff.