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Distributive domestic response

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 August 2010

Abstract

When former US ambassador to Pakistan, Wendy Chamberlin, said of the US, ‘We are a player in the Pakistani political system’, she was pointing out how challenging it is to achieve US policy goals under the kinds of volatile political conditions engulfing that country. In late 2007, the Bush administration was banking on the political future of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, who had recently returned to Pakistan, and was still providing President Pervez Musharraf with the substantial aid and support it had been giving him since 9/11. And yet by early 2008, Benazir Bhutto was dead, assassinated as she rose from her car to greet crowds of supporters, and Pervez Musharraf was a political liability, since his party had suffered a resounding defeat in the February 2008 election. These events demonstrated that even the foreign policies of a country as powerful as the US can be scuttled by the flux and flow of local power politics.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

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References

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2 Actually, local politics can affect all international actors' abilities to exercise influence, not just state actors'. Transnational terrorist organisations like Al-Qaeda and international organisations like the UN see their efforts at influence distorted by local politics.

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23 Working closely with Kayani made sense in many ways. A graduate of the US Army Command and General Staff College, Kayani already had established relationships with some prominent American military leaders. Also, the Pakistani army traditionally has played a strong role in Pakistani politics, especially when the civilian governments have faltered; working with Kayani would presumably provide the US with, at the very least, some transparency, hopefully an ‘in’ in the event of a coup, and, at best, the opportunity to promote good governance with a strong ally who could exert leverage over the civilian actors. The downside, obviously, was establishing another alliance with an army leader immediately after the failure of Musharraf and the bad impression left in Pakistan of the US's willingness to support a dictator if doing so would protect its interests. Rohde, David and Gall, Carlotta, ‘In Musharraf's Shadow, A New Hope for Pakistan Rises’, The New York Times (7 January 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/07/world/asia/07kayani.html}; Dreazen, Yochi J. and Rosenberg, Matthew, ‘Army Chiefs' Bond Bolsters US Hopes in Pakistan’, The Wall Street Journal (21 March 2009)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123759845485301419.html}; Schmitt, Eric, ‘Army Chief in Pakistan Wins Honor from US’, The New York Times (2 April 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/02/washington/02policy.html?_r=1&sq=army%20chief%20in%20pakistan&st=nyt&adxnnl=1&scp=1&adxnnlx=1207224188-e8mBn0CA9VgrF8JFY8ktdQ&oref=slogin}.

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48 For a thoughtful analysis on how to improve foreign assistance, taking into account the filter effect of local politics, see, Korb, Lawrence J., ‘Reassessing Foreign Assistance to Pakistan’, Center for American Progress (2 April 2009)Google Scholar , {http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2009/04/pakistan_korb.html}.

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51 This may change, however. Even the minor negotiations Musharraf undertook with India were lambasted by the religious extremists. In the February 2008 elections, these people and their political party, the MMA, lost significant ground but if analysts' worst-case scenario comes true and fundamentalists gain political ground, they may force a return to elevated tension between Pakistan and India.

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55 ‘Sharif Slams Alliance with US’, CNN.com/asia (14 January 2008), {http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/01/14/pakistan.sharif.ap/index.html}.

56 Leon T. Hadar, ‘Pakistan: Strategic Ally or Unreliable Client?’

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59 Ibid.

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