The history of early man in Uganda is bound up with that of the inland sea now familiar to Europeans as Lake Victoria or the Victoria Nyanza. The area of this great lake is given as 26,828 square miles (Handbook of Uganda, Ed. II., 1920, p. 26), or about the size of Scotland, but its maximum depth is probably some-what less than the height above ground of the cross of St. Paul's Cathedral. Lake Victoria, then, is just a gigantic puddle.

The history of the Lake is a long one. Beginning as a natural sump, as it probably did in Miocene times, it reached its maximum, in all probability, in the Pliocene, when its area was doubtless quite double that ot its present surface, while its depth was at least four times as great as that now registered.

On Friday, October 6th, 1911, I received a message from Mr. Laughlin, of Messrs. Bolton & Laughlin, brickmakers, Ipswich, to the effect that one of his workmen, while removing some surface clay to get at the underlying glacial gravel, had turned out some human bones. I at once went down to the pit where the discovery had been made and found that a portion of a human skull attached to an almost complete cranial cast had been recovered. The workmen pointed out that two bones were protruding from the spot whence the skull had been derived, and so it was arranged for the remainder of the skeleton to be dug up on the following day. Messrs. Woolnough, Canton, and Snell accompanied me, and we afterwards drew up a short report of our observations. This report is as follows:—

“We, the undersigned, were present at, and superintended, the digging out of the human remains found at Messrs. Bolton & Laughlin's pit, Ipswich, on Saturday, October 7th, 1911. We all most carefully examined the section of decalcified Boulder Clay, under which the bones lay, before any digging commenced, and were absolutely convinced that no grave had ever been dug on the spot before.

The extensive prehistoric flint mining site of Grime's Graves occupïes high ground near the Southern boundary of Norfolk, at a maximum of 100 feet above O.D. It is set amidst wild undulating breck land, here and there densely clothed in bracken, the extensive belts separated by spaces of close cropped turf, or brown heath, conspicuously sprinkled with white patinated flints, a prodigious number of which are flakes of human production.

Many of the hill-tops are crowned by plantations of hardwood and coniferous trees, but there is no evidence that this lonely land of wide expanses was ever more than thinly covered by native timber and one feels that the country as seen to-day is much as the ancient flint miners knew it, thousands of years ago.

Though now so lonely and isolated, for neither high road nor dwelling exists within a mile radius, it was obviously once the centre of great activity, for the total mined area is not less than 34 acres in extent.

Of this, 16½ acres are occupied by 366 cup-shaped hollows, varying from 12 to 70 feet in diameter, all plainly visible on the surface and each denoting an ancient mine shaft. Over the remaining 17½ acres there are no surface indications to suggest the presence of underlying shafts, but excavations during the last four years have definitely established their existence and proved the area to be closely crowded with mine shafts of small diameter.

The results are presented of a comprehensive petrographic study of 82 Bronze Age cinerary vessels from the Isle of Anglesey, Wales. Petrographic analysis is particularly appropriate when applied to this island location with its diverse and well defined geology. The pottery is characterised by a distinctive range of clasts, of which the most characteristic are varieties of igneous rocks and sandstone. The clasts can be matched to outcrops on the island with one exception which could have been derived from a known mainland source. The particular rock types seen in the pottery are not common in the island's alluvial and glacial sediments and it is therefore concluded that the potters showed a strong preference for specific dark coloured igneous rock types as added filler, in common with other Bronze Age potters in Britain. Although typology implies some extraneous influences, petrography indicates that the pottery was made on the island. However, despite the varied geology, the widespread distribution of many of the crucial rock types (dolerites, lithic sandstones) across the island means that individual production centres cannot be distinguished, a difficulty exacerbated by the lack of known habitation sites and associated domestic pottery. The question as to whether specifically designed pottery or redundant domestic pottery was used for burials is discussed, but remains unresolved.

The choice of the Gebel Akhdar region of Cyrenaica for study arose partly from its geographical position midway between the Atlas and the Levant. At the same time the topography, with a range of considerable hills close to the coast, must at all times have provided a rainfall very appreciably superior to that of the surrounding low-lying territories. The area is thus a strategic one in which to examine the problems of the relationship between these two main areas of settlement in the Southern Mediterranean. The topography also affords exceptional opportunities for the preservation of a detailed geological record of changes in the relations of land and sea during Pleistocene and Recent times.

Late in November 1981, Mr M. Wright of the Danywenallt Centre, Talybont, noticed fragments of prehistoric pottery and an associated cremation burial in an area eroded by walkers in the pathway on Fan y Big (SO 03712057; fig. 1). The site lies at a height of 655 m on one of the denuded spurs of the northern escarpment of the Beacons (pl. 12). The find itself lay next to a small dry-stone beacon about 1 m high, on the knife-edge of the spur and less than 10m away from the precipitous cliffs which drop away for about 100 m to either side. Behind the spur, to the south, is a slight plateau covered in eroding peat hags with a little cotton grass.

The ground was frozen at the time of the discovery to a depth of about 3 cm, and the obvious vulnerability of the pottery to destruction by the weather or the passage of human feet necessitated immediate action to preserve it. A small excavation team supervised by C. S. Briggs was hastily assembled to undertake this task in bitter weather several days later.

The origin and the development of the Series II tools is one of those problems of Indian prehistoric archaeology which has evaded solution so far. This culture is comprised of scrapers of all sorts—side, hollow, endpoints, borers and burins (very rare) generally made on jasper, agate, chert and sometimes chalcedony also. The position of this culture in relation to other prehistoric cultures remains confused since its stratigraphical position has still to be worked out. And it awaits dating like other lithic industries because one has yet to find out the tools in association with fossils in situ in the horizons which are likely to yield them.

In the following pages, is presented the data, collected from the Narmada and its tributary valleys, which tends to throw light on this culture and an attempt is made to ‘fix’ this culture in the stratigraphy and to date it with the help of fossils, which were found along with it in plenty in this area. These observations were made by the writer when he was conducting the fieldwork in the Hoshangabad-Narsinghpur region of the Narmada river in Central India, in search of Fossil Man, under the auspices of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, Govt. of India. This Narmada data, apart from ‘fixing’ it in its proper context, illustrates also its relationship with the Handaxe-cleaver complex on one hand and the Microlithic industry on the other.

This report should be read in conjunction with the report on the excavations in the interior of the fort (previous paper in these Proceedings).

The site of the hill-fort lies on the north side of the North Downs Trackway (National Grid Reference SU/614528). It is also on the southern edge of the Lower Thames valley. In this area there is a gap through the Hampshire Downs which connects the Thames valley with that of the River Test.

The derivation of the place name Winklebury is not entirely clear. Medieval spellings, e.g. Wiltenischebury, c. 1290; Wyltenysshbury, 1407; Wynnyshbery and Wynlysbery, 1443, suggest that the name may be of Anglo-Saxon derivation and mean the ‘fort or stronghold of the people of Wilton’, i.e. the fort owned, occupied or built by the Wiltshiremen. However, Wiltonish occurs as a surname in Romsey in the 1289 Assize Rolls, in Walter le Wyltenysshe, and thus the site name may have evolved in the 13th century through associations with this family.

Building development threatened the north side of the hill-fort in 1959. Excavations were accordingly carried out by the Ancient Monuments Inspectorate of the then Ministry of Works (now the Department of the Environment), under the direction of the writer in July and August of that year.

When the present writer published his Mesolithic Settlement of Northern Europe in 1936, much had already been established about the pre-neolithic occupation of the West Baltic area. Paradoxically it is for this very reason that recent advances in this field are of more than regional interest, for it is only by intensifying fundamental research in the most favourable territories, in conjunction with more extensive surveys, that we can gain the evidence needed for a real insight into the processes of prehistory. One reason for the pre-eminence of the area in mesolithic research is the scope it provides for co-operation between archaeologists and natural scientists. Team-work in quaternary research has made it possible to study the earliest cultures in their correct chronological and ecological setting, and it has also guided prehistorians to the sites most likely to yield the maximum range of cultural evidence.

The collections of Marischal Museum, University of Aberdeen include three jadeite axeheads (Fig. 1) which probably come from prehistoric Scottish contexts. This short note aims to bring them to the attention of others interested in these spectacular objects, in the hope that further work will help their place in Scottish prehistory to be better understood.

One of the axeheads (ABDUA:39404) has already been published (Murray, 1994, 104; Batey & King 1994, 25) and has been allocated number 107 by Murray (op. cit.) in the scheme set out by Jones et al. (1977). Under the Treasure Trove procedure it was allocated to Marischal Museum in 1994. The other two axeheads were only recognised after the acquisition of this specimen. One of these (ABDUA: 37080) was given to the museum by Sir Alexander Ogston in 1928. Previously it was in the collection of Dr Garden of Alford, having been found in the parish of Strathdon, Aberdeenshire. Since its discovery, this axehead has been hafted, probably by Ogston who presented nine other prehistoric implements with modern hafts to the museum.

Over a century ago Theobald (1860) described the Pleistocene deposits of the middle reaches of the Narmada river and noted the presence of Pleistocene fauna and man-made tools of stone. Eighty years later the Yale-Cambridge expedition in 1935 carried out the first systematic work under the leadership of De Terra and Paterson (1939) whose major concern was with deposits of the glacial and peri-glacial zones. But their brief survey of the Pleistocene deposits of central and southern India was very valuable, even though their extension of glacial chronology to the sub-tropical zone was mainly based on lithic-tool typology. Since 1947 considerable prehistoric research has been carried out in Peninsular India but without much success in establishing Pleistocene chronology on firm grounds. During the last decade a number of observations and researches have been carried out by several workers in the Narmada valley (Joshi, 1958, Subbarao, 1958, Malik, 1959a, Sen, 1961, Khatri, 1961, 1962, and Sankalia, 1963).

The present project carried out jointly by the authors was primarily concerned, not with collecting stone tools, but with understanding the stratigraphy and chronology of Peninsular India.

The Apennine Culture of the Middle and Late Bronze Age of Italy extended in space from the Po Valley to the Gulf of Taranto, and from the Gargano to Lipari, and in time from at least 1500 to 1000 B.C. It is represented in the museums by its pottery, and little else. Yet this is sufficient for an examination of it to reveal important regional and chronological variations, which form the subject of the present paper.

The pottery of the Apennine Culture consists of two distinct classes, both invariably hand-made. The first is a coarse, unburnished ware indistinguishable from the corresponding classes of pottery in preceding and succeeding periods. Decoration is common, consisting of cordons, plain or impressed, indentations of the rim and, rarely, applied knobs or bosses which merge imperceptibly into the form of the very common simple lug handles. Shapes include heavy jars of various sizes, from great pithoi for water, oil or grain storage, with lugs only, to smaller mug- or cup-like ones, often with single vertical strap handles. Smallest of all are miniature vessels, as little as an inch high, which may be votive (the Grotta Pertosa produced several hundred examples) or simply children's toys. The second, commoner, and much more important ware is a fine, medium, darkfaced, burnished one, and in this all the more characteristic forms were made. A bold decoration of bands, dotted, hatched, excised or void, is frequent though by no means universal.

The first early palaeolithic tools, i.e. tools older than the Riss glacial period, were found already in the 1950s as isolated finds on the outskirts of Brno, either in the clay pits of brickworks (at the Brno–‘Červený kopec’, Brno-Židenice, ‘Malá Klajdovka’ and ‘Růženin dvůr’ localities) or in gravel terraces (Brno–Židenice, Brno–Líšeň). All these finds were worked pebbles or flakes.

The research of the Lower Pleistocene palaeontological site ‘Stránská skála’, on the eastern fringes of the City of Brno, started in the early 1960s by the Anthropos Institute of the Moravian Museum and led by R. Musil, brought to the light the first collection of artefacts accompanied by fauna. Stránská skála is a rock of Jurassic limestones, its north-western slope covered with debris, loess and fossil soils. There is a very rich fauna of vertebrata and molluscs, especially in the complex of fossil soils, but also in the loess and in the numerous crevices, fissures and caves of the rock massif. They are classed as Upper Biharian and dated to the Cromerian period (Musil and Valoch 1968). In the loess below the soil complex was also located the Matuyama/Brunhes palaeomagnetic inversion (Bucha et al. 1975).

This paper considers the future for cultural heritage in the new Millennium. It briefly discusses recent developments towards the protection, management, and conservation of archaeological remains and monuments at an international level and of public attitudes towards cultural heritage. The power of certain heritage sites to attract visitors and their indispensible role in the tourist industry is considered, with the current plans for Stonehenge presented as a case study. Research Frameworks for archaeology were defined in the early 1980s and the role of the Prehistoric Society in formulating these, and the extent to which they have been implemented, is described. The paper concludes with the author's suggestion of four main themes for the next Millennium which should be the concern of the discipline in general and of the Society in particular.

This note reports the results of three radiocarbon determinations on material from two pits in Amesbury parish, one of which, Chalk Plaque Pit, has been published in this journal (Harding 1988). The other pit, at Ratfyn, Amesbury, was excavated in the 1930s and published by Stone (1935). As part of the same research project the shell inclusions in Grooved Ware from these features, and from a similar feature at Woodlands (Stone & Young 1948; Stone 1949), were identified and the presence of glauconite in Grooved Ware from the area established.

In the course of making a digital record of a bow engraved on the lower face of a capstone in the Déhus passage grave, on Guernsey, several new motifs were observed, necessitating a reinterpretation of the composition as a whole.

While the presence of a bow and two arrows is confirmed by photogrammetry and images obtained under directional lighting, the anthropomorphic figure can now be better defined, and compared to figures recently recognised in the Paris Basin. The presence of ‘hands’, however, cannot be confirmed, and these engravings may instead represent two horned animals in contact with two further motifs, one of which is certainly a throwing stick.

An unusual ⊏-shaped earthwork has been known for several generations (Nat. Grid. Ref. TA 099658) just over one mile to the south of the Wold village of Rudston, in the Western angle of two roads. It has often been interpreted as three contiguous long-barrows. Canon Greenwell described the site in 1877 as ‘two long mounds, almost parallel, their northern end gradually losing themselves in the surface-level, but connected together at the southern end by another long mound’. In 1958 when Messrs C. and E. Grantham of Driffield excavated a section across the western ditch, they appreciated that the western and eastern banks continued for a much greater distance than Greenwell had implied, travelling at least ½-mile downhill towards the village.

Aerial reconnaissance in 1961 by Dr J. K. St. Joseph established the existence of two long parallel ditches, extending intermittently for 1½ miles beyond the earthwork. The feature as a whole was recognizable therefore as a cursus, the earthwork being the squared southern end.