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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 October 2014
The Epirote port of Butrint (now in Albania) features significantly in the neo-Latin epic, the Carlias, by the Florentine Ugolino Verino (1438–1516). This poem was recast on the occasion of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII of France, to encourage the young king to imitate his ancestor, Charlemagne, and undertake a crusade. This essay focuses upon the poetic description of Butrint in the light of recent excavations. It reconstructs the run-down character of this fortified Venetian town, as well as the material living conditions of its occupants in 1493. The essay considers how Verino's narrative was shaped by literary sources, rather than the actual circumstances of the port.
Il porto epirota di Butrint (oggigiorno in Albania) compare nell'epica neolatina, il Carlias del fiorentino Ugolino Verino (1438–1516). Questo poema fu rimaneggiato in occasione dell'invasione dell'Italia ad opera di Carlo VIII di Francia, per incoraggiare il giovane re ad intraprendere una crociata, imitando il suo antenato Carlo Magno. Questo saggio si concentra sulla descrizione poetica di Butrint alla luce dei recenti scavi. Ricostruisce la fatiscente città fortificata veneziana unitamente alle condizioni della vita quotidiana dei suoi occupanti nel 1493. L'articolo prende in considerazione come il racconto di Verino fu plasmato sulle fonti letterarie piuttosto che grazie alle effettive condizioni del porto.
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4 For a biography of the poet and a brief synopsis of his poem, see Lazzari, A., Ugolino e Michele Verino: studii biografici e critici (Turin, 1897)Google Scholar. The Carlias has begun to attract attention recently. A critical edition with commentary has been provided by Thurn, N., Ugolino Verino ‘Carlias’. Ein Epos des 15. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1995)Google Scholar; and Thurn, N., Kommentar zur ‘Carlias’ des Ugolino Verino (Munich, 2002)Google Scholar. Note also Lovatt, H., ‘Aeneid 1 and the epic gaze in the Carlias of Ugolino Verino’, Proceedings of the Virgil Society 27 (2011), 130–55Google Scholar. For the position of the poem within the epic tradition, see Bausi, F., ‘L'epica tra latino e volgare’, in Fubini, R. (ed.), La Toscana al tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico. Politica, economia, cultura, arte, 3 vols (Pisa, 1996), II, 357–73Google Scholar; P. Gwynne, ‘Epic’, in V. Moul (ed.), Neo-Latin Literature (Cambridge, forthcoming).
5 Charlemagne's mythical crusade generally was accepted as fact, and indeed celebrated in the twelfth-century chanson de geste, Le pèlerinage de Charlemagne or Voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople; see Aebischer, P. (ed.), Le voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople (Geneva, 1965)Google Scholar; also Gabriele, M., An Empire of Memory. The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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7 Nikolaus Thurn showed that the poem was begun in 1465 (Thurn, Ugolino Verino's ‘Carlias’ (above, n. 4), 29). In the dedicatory epistle to Charles VIII the poet claims to have been working on his epic for 24 years, thus dating the letter to 1489. Alfonso Lazzari said that the deluxe presentation manuscript was given to Charles at Tours on 29 September 1493 by Gentile de' Becchi and Pietro Soderini (Lazzari, Ugolino (above, n. 4), 165). Thurn doubted this. At the beginning of the seventeenth century this manuscript was again in Florence, in the possession of the heirs of Petrus Verius. Lazzari observed: ‘Non sappiamo come e quando il poema fosse restituito a Verino’ (Lazzari, Ugolino (above, n. 4), 167). This suggests that the expensive gift was never presented. Verino, however, continued to work on his epic, removing passages and ideas to align the poem with the teachings of Girolamo Savonarola.
8 When he succeeded to the throne in 1483 King Charles VIII of France was a minor, and the kingdom of France was ruled by his elder sister Anne and her husband Pierre II, sire de Beaujeu, duke of Bourbon (1488). Upon his majority (1491), Charles, who had inherited Angevin pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, immediately began preparations to reclaim his inheritance by war; the primary study remains Labande-Mailfert, Y., Charles VIII et son milieu (1470–98): la jeunesse au pouvoir (Paris, 1975)Google Scholar; see also Scheller, R.W., ‘Imperial themes in art and literature of the early French Renaissance: the period of Charles VIII’, Simiolus 12 (1981), 5–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar and references therein. Note also Peyronnet, G., ‘The distant origins of the Italian wars: political relations between France and Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries’, in Abulafia, D. (ed.), The French Descent into Renaissance Italy, 1494–95: Antecedents and Effects (Aldershot, 1995), 29–54Google Scholar; also P.G. Gwynne, The Life and Works of Johannes Michael Nagonius, Poeta Laureatus, c. 1450–c. 1510 (Ph.D. thesis, The Warburg Institute, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 1990); now Gwynne, P., Poets and Princes. The Panegyric Poetry of Johannes Michael Nagonius (Turnhout, 2013), 75–140, 164–8, 387–412Google Scholar.
9 Scheller, ‘Imperial themes’ (above, n. 8), 42.
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15 See Fasoli, G., ‘Carlo Magno nelle tradizioni storico-leggendarie italiane’, in Bocchi, F., Carile, A. and Pini, A.I. (eds), Scritti di storia medievale (Bologna, 1974), 912–15Google Scholar; Raveggi, S., ‘Tracce carolinge a Firenze’, in Galetti, A.I. and Roda, R. (eds), Sulle orme di Orlando. Leggende e luoghi carolingi in Italia (Padua, 1987), 167–77Google Scholar; Gilli, P., Au miroir de l'humanisme: les représentations de la France dans la culture italienne à la fin du Moyen Age (Rome, 1997), 277–343Google Scholar.
16 The deluxe presentation manuscript written by Piero di Benedetto Strozzi and decorated by Francesco di Antonio del Chierico is now in Cambridge (Fitzwilliam Museum MS 180); see Binski, P. and Panayotowa, S. (eds), The Cambridge Illuminations. Ten Centuries of Book Production in the Medieval West (London, 2005), 338–9Google Scholar; also Gatti, D., La ‘Vita Caroli’ di Donato Acciaiuoli (Bologna, 1981)Google Scholar; and Gatti, D., ‘La Vita Caroli di Donato Acciaiuoli’, Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Muratoriano 84 (1972–3), 223–74Google Scholar; Coluccia, C. and Gualdo, R., ‘Le metamorfosi di Carlo. Il volgarizzamento della Vita Caroli di Donato Acciaiuoli’, in Matarrese, T. and Montagnani, C. (eds), Il principe e la storia (Novara, 2005), 307–38Google Scholar. Although Verino does not follow Acciaiuoli's Vita Caroli, a similar didactic purpose lies behind the presentation of both works. Acciaiuoli claims that he has chosen to write upon Charlemagne's deeds ‘as a great example and mirror of virtue for other princes to imitate’. The Italian and Latin texts differ slightly: ‘che e’ fussi uno essemplo e specchio di virtù, el quale tutti e' principi del mondo riguardassino in ogni loro reggimento publico e privato' (Gatti, D., La ‘Vita Caroli’ di Donato Acciaiuoli (Bologna, 1981), 80Google Scholar); ‘ut summum in omni genere virtutis exemplum ante oculos poneretur quem reliqui principes in publicis pariter ac privatis rebus intueri imitarique pro arbitrio possent’ (p. 100). See also Margolis, O.J., ‘The ‘Gallic Crowd’ at the ‘Aragonese Doors’: Donato Acciaiuoli's Vita Caroli Magni and the workshop of Vespasiano da Bisticci’, I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance 17 (2014 (forthcoming))CrossRefGoogle Scholar; with thanks to Oren Margolis for providing this article in advance of publication.
17 For the extensive list of Florentine ‘worthies’ added in the presentation manuscript for the French king, see Thurn, Ugolino Verino ‘Carlias’ (above, n. 4), 78–92.
18 Reeves, M., Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future. A Medieval Study in Historical Thinking (revised edition; Stroud, 1999), 63Google Scholar.
19 Reeves, Joachim of Fiore (above, n. 18), 69–70.
20 Reeves, M., The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages. A Study in Joachimism (Oxford, 1969), 354–8Google Scholar.
21 Reeves, Joachim of Fiore (above, n. 18), 85.
22 Reeves, Joachim of Fiore (above, n. 18), 86.
23 ‘Carolus octavus Gallorum rex vigesimum quartum aetatis annum agens regnandi cupidine ductus, ut fidem rebus faceret, simulata religione bellum contra Turcas parare ubique vulgavit et quaedam vaticinia de se ipso augurari confidentius professus est, ita ut eius auspiciis Hispania Germania et Italia perdomita facile Graecia Asia Syria ac Egyptus illum tanquam deum venerarentur et adepta Hierosolyma deposita humi corona sepulchrum Christi veneratus victor triumphans suprema die in coelum raperetur’: Benedetti, A., Diaria de Bello Carolino (Diary of the Caroline War), edited with a translation by Schullian, D.M. (New York, 1967), 60–1Google Scholar.
24 Bisaha, Creating East and West (above, n. 14), 37–40, but without reference to Butrint. More pertinent in this context is Margolis, O.J., ‘The quattrocento Charlemagne: Franco-Florentine relations and the politics of an icon’, in Gabriele, M. and Purkis, W. (eds), The Many Latin Lives of Charlemagne (Woodbridge, 2014 (forthcoming))Google Scholar; with thanks to Oren Margolis for providing this article in advance of publication.
25 In the introduction to his Geography, Strabo is at pains to emphasize the use of the poets as a legitimate source for geographical information and that ‘Homer is the first geographer’ (Strabo, Geography 1.1.11).
26 For Buondelmonti, see Weiss, R., Dizionario biografico degli italiani 15 (Rome, 1972), 198–200Google Scholar; note also Balard, M., ‘Buondelmonti and the Holy War’, in Gertwagen, R. and Jeffreys, E. (eds), Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean (Farnham, 2012), 387–94Google Scholar.
27 No critical edition as yet exists; for the confusion of the various redactions, see Barsanti, C., ‘Costantinopoli e l'Egeo nei primi decenni del XV secolo: la testimonianza di Cristoforo Buondelmonti’, Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte 56 (2001), 83–253Google Scholar.
28 Ciriaco's visit is recorded in a letter to Francesco Crasso sent from Arta, 29 December 1435: ‘Atque sponte Corcyram civitatem ipsam quam pestifero morbo laborantem audivimus longe praeter linquendam curavimus et VII Kal(endas) Ian(uarias) Bothrotum antiquam in Epiro Troiani Heleni urbem venimus, ibique natalem humanati Iovis diem, quoniam apud Cassiopen, ut optavimus, colere ad sacram Almae Virginis aedem nequivimus, nautico more celebravimus’ (BAV, Ottob. lat. 2967, fol. 31v). Ciriaco's diaries for this voyage survive only in a seventeenth-century edition, see Moroni, C., Epigrammata Reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano apud Liburniam (Rome, c. 1660)Google Scholar; however, Ciriaco's travels for this period have been reconstructed by Bodnar, E.W., ‘Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens’, Latomus 43 (1960)Google Scholar. In To Wake the Dead. A Renaissance Merchant and the Birth of Archaeology (New York, 2009)Google Scholar, Marina Belozerskaya has said that Ciriaco saw ‘the surviving triple circuit of walls enclosing the acropolis, the theatre on its southern slope and a few other ruins’ (p. 178), without giving any references.
29 Bodnar, ‘Cyriacus of Ancona’ (above, n. 28), 28–9, n. 1.
30 Bodnar, E.W., ‘Ciriaco d'Ancona and the Crusade of Varna. A closer look’, Mediaevalia 14 (1988), 253–80Google Scholar; Setton, K.M., The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), 4 vols (Philadelphia, 1976–84), II, 82–107Google Scholar.
31 See van Ooteghem, I., ‘Énée à Buthrotum’, Les Études Classique (1937), 8–13Google Scholar; Ugolini, Butrinto (above, n. 2); Tracy, H.L., ‘Aeneas’ visit to Buthrotum', Échos du Monde Classique 11 (1967), 1–3Google Scholar; Taylor, C.F., ‘Toy Troy. The new perspective of the backward glance’, Vergilius 16 (1970), 26–8Google Scholar.
32 See Quint, D., Epic and Empire. Politics and Generic Form from Virgil to Milton (Princeton, 1993), 50–65Google Scholar; Bettini, M., ‘Ghosts of exile: doubles and nostalgia in Vergil's parva Troia (Aeneid 3.294ff.)’, Classical Antiquity 16 (1997), 8–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 David Bright suggested that this might be due to the proximity of Butrint to classical Acherusia and the site of the Thesprotian Oracle of the Dead at Cichyrus, which Pausanias (1.17.5) proposes as Homer's model for the landscape of the Underworld in the Odyssey; see Bright, D.F., ‘Aeneas' other Nekyia’, Vergilius 27 (1981), 40–7Google Scholar.
34 The Song of Roland, translated by Merwin, W.S. (New York, 2001), xiiiGoogle Scholar.
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36 ‘Provehimur inde remis, et nostrum ad iter die, noctuque placidi Neptuni liquidum sulcando campum Dodonaea secus littora Bargam, Phanarium Arnatiumque vidimus, et ad quintum denique Kalendas Ianuarii diem Dodonaeam ipsam venimus magnam, et nobilissimam Sylvam’; Bodnar, ‘Cyriacus of Ancona’ (above, n. 28), 28.
37 Pliny, Natural History 4.2: ‘Talarus mons, centum fontibus circa radices Theopompo celebratu’.
38 Here Verino may be attempting also to explain and differentiate the reference theatri circus (‘the circle of a theatre’), the site of the foot-race in the Sicilian games at Virgil, Aeneid 5.288–9.
39 Note that the number of stepped seats has been reduced here from eighteen to fourteen (not noted in the critical apparatus of Thurn, Ugolino Verino ‘Carlias’ (above, n. 4)). In an autograph manuscript dated December 1480 the line reads: ‘ter senos posuere gradus ac desuper ingens / Liquerunt spatium praetores unde solebant’ (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, codex Magliabecchianus, II, II, 94, fol. 46v).
40 The reference to Spartan girls training with the men may echo Propertius 3.14.1–16.
41 ‘Aornos with a Greek surname’, Greek Άορνος meaning ‘without birds’ because it was believed that the poisonous emissions from the Underworld were so noxious that they overwhelmed birds flying overhead; the ‘Acherusian swamp’ may thus, in fact, refer to the marshland to the south of Butrint and close to Parga, through which the present river Acheron flows to reach the Ionian sea.
42 Mount Chimaera in ancient Lycia was notable for volcanic phenomena; see Servius on Aen. 6.288; however, the reference again may be suggested by Ciriaco's letter: ‘Inde Catharum, Ulciniumque venimus, et tandem amisso Dyrrachio XII Kal(endas) Ianuarias Chimerium superavimus, quod nobile apud Epirum Neptuni Promontorium vestibulum ad Illyrici sinus fauces nautae Linguam vocant […] linquimus Linguae porticulum, et nostrum per iter Orientem versus Chimeri montis littora radimus’; Bodnar, ‘Cyriacus of Ancona’ (above, n. 28), 28.
43 He has noted further that ‘la Carliade è un testo interamente segnato da fortissime istanze anti-musulmane e percorso da un vero e proprio spirit da ‘crociata’': F. Bausi, ‘La Carlias di Ugolino Verino’, in Villoresi, M., Paladini in carta. Il modello cavalleresco fiorentino (Florence, 2006), 161–73Google Scholar, esp. p. 164.
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58 Andrews et al., ‘The late antique and medieval fortifications’ (above, n. 52), 143–5, fig. 8.25; Molla, Paris and Venturini, ‘Material boundaries’ (above, n. 57), 274–5, fig. 14.12.
59 Bowden, W., Crowson, A., Logue, M. and Sebastiani, A., ‘The medieval occupation of the Merchant's House’, in Bowden, W. and Hodges, R. (eds), Butrint 3. Excavations at the Triconch Palace (Oxford, 2011), 203–30Google Scholar, at pp. 223–8.
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63 Molla, Paris and Venturini, ‘Material boundaries’ (above, n. 57).
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68 Martin, ‘The topography of Butrint’ (above, n. 62), fig. 6:22.
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102 Vroom, ‘The Morea and its links’ (above, n. 72), 426.
103 Pouqueville, F.C.H.L., Travels in Epirus, Albania, Macedonia and Thessaly (London, 1820), 34–5Google Scholar; Hodges, Eternal Butrint (above, n. 46), 33.
104 These ‘hellish’ descriptions are an epic trope; compare the contemporary description of the alum mines at Tolfa in the Volaterrais, a four-book epic by Naldo de' Naldi (c. 1432–1513) on the war between Florence and Volterra (1472); see Gwynne, ‘Epic’ (above, n. 4). For the archaeology of the Colline Metallifere, see Grassi, F. (ed.), L'insediamento medievale nelle Colline Metallifere (Toscana, Italia) (British Archaeological Reports, International Series 2,532) (Oxford, 2013)Google Scholar.
105 Runciman, S., Mistra (London, 1981)Google Scholar.