Conventional treatments of vowel harmony processes routinely make two important assumptions: first, only vowels are implicated in the harmonic process and second, the phonologically relevant harmony features have a transparent (intrinsic) phonetic interpretation (IPI). Consonants are typically treated only insofar as they interfere with such harmony (van der Hulst & van der Weijer 1995 provide a concise overview of harmony processes and their interpretation). Phonetic data on ‘advanced tongue root’ [ATR] harmony in the Tugen dialect of Kalenjin appears to challenge both these assumptions.

Tone is usually described by starting height and direction of movement, but in languages with a crowded tonal space, multiple tones can have similar contours. Even in languages with few tones, details of contour shape may be used by listeners for tone identification. This study examines the effectiveness of using coefficients from polynomial equations to explore small differences in pitch contour shape and to convey this information for statistical analysis. Pitch contours for three tones from Green Mong are used as test cases. All three tones have low falling contours, but each has a distinctive phonation type. Using coefficients, large numbers of tokens can be compared to find consistencies in contour shape within tone categories and differences across categories. Discriminant analyses using the coefficients as predictor variables show that all three tones can be identified at levels well above chance using pitch contour shape alone. Quadratic coefficients improve classification rates over linear coefficients. The results also suggest that phonation type plays the largest role in identifying creaky tones in Green Mong. This technique should prove useful for analysis and synthesis of pitch contours. It seems particularly useful for examining details of contour shape in languages with a crowded tonal space.

It is often thought that the ability to use prosodic features accurately is mastered in early childhood. However, research to date has produced conflicting evidence, notably about the development of children's ability to mark prosodic boundaries. This paper investigates (i) whether, by the age of eight, children use temporal boundary features in their speech in a systematic way, and (ii) to what extent adult listeners are able to interpret their production accurately and unambiguously. The material consists of minimal pairs of utterances: one utterance includes a compound noun, in which there is no prosodic boundary after the first noun, e.g. ‘coffee-cake and tea’, while the other utterance includes simple nouns, separated by a prosodic boundary, e.g. ‘coffee, cake and tea’. Ten eight-year-old children took part, and their productions were rated by 23 adult listeners. Two phonetic exponents of prosodic boundaries were analysed: pause duration and phrase-final lengthening. The results suggest that, at the age of 8, there is considerable variability among children in their ability to mark phrase boundaries of the kind analysed in the experiment, with some children failing to differentiate between the members of the minimal pairs reliably. The differences between the children in their use of boundary features were reflected in the adults' perceptual judgements. Both temporal cues to prosodic boundaries significantly affected the perceptual ratings, with pause being a more salient determinant of ratings than phrase-final lengthening.

This study investigates articulatory characteristics of /s, z, ∫, t∫, d[zcy ]/ in disyllabic nonsense words of the form [biCib], [buCub] and [baCab], where C represents the consonants listed above. The words were produced in a carrier sentence. Using the technique of electropalatography, quantitative and qualitative data were obtained from a speaker of Hindi. The results showed that the area of tongue-palate contact was significantly greater for the voiced fricative [z] than for the voiceless fricative [s]. In affricates, however, the contact area was significantly greater for the stop part of the voiceless affricate [t∫] than for the stop part of the voiced affricate [d[zcy ]]. On the other hand, the area of contact for the fricative part of [t∫] and [d[zcy ]] and the fricative [∫] was about the same. The area of contact for [s] and [z] was also significantly greater than for [∫] and the fricative part of [t∫] and [d[zcy ]]. The place of articulation for [∫] was significantly more posterior than for [s] and [z]. The place of articulation for the stop and fricative parts of [t∫] and [d[zcy ]] partly overlapped, but did not coincide. The width of the groove for [∫] and the fricative part of [t∫] and [d[zcy ]] was significantly greater than for [s] and [z]; however, the length of the groove for these segments was about the same. Numerical and electropalatographic data are presented and discussed in the light of the published numerical, palatographic and/or x-ray data on the fricatives and affricates. Coarticulatory effects of vocalic context on articulatory parameters of the investigated consonants are also discussed.

This paper presents parts of the results of the first stage in the phonetic documentation of Fering, a dialect of North Frisian. Descriptions of Fering indicate that it has a large vowel inventory (15 monophthongs, 7 diphthongs, and 3 triphthongs). Ten older male native speakers were recorded, producing the vowel and consonant inventory at different speaking rates, in different phonetic contexts, and in different speaking styles. The results of the acoustic analyses of the vowels of Fering throw light on the questions of a) how the vowel space is exploited in Fering, b) how Fering differentiates its large vowel inventory, c) to what extent consonant–vowel coarticulation affects the acoustic differentiation of vowel categories, and d) to what extent the implementation of the long–short vowel contrasts is affected by speaking rate. The results also provide a more accurate description of the vowel system of an endangered language than do previous auditory accounts.

The mid-frequencies and bandwidths of formants 1–5 were measured at targets, at plus 0.01 s and at minus 0.01 s off the targets of vowels in a 100-word list read by five male and five female speakers, for a total of 3390 10-variable spectrum specifications. Each of the six Polish vowel phonemes was represented approximately the same number of times. The 3390* 10 original-data matrix was processed by probabilistic neural networks to produce a classification of the spectra with respect to (a) vowel phoneme, (b) identity of the speaker, and (c) speaker gender. For (a) and (b), networks with added input information from another independent variable were also used, as well as matrices of the numerical data appropriately normalized. Mean scores for classification with respect to phonemes in a multi-speaker design in the testing sets were around 95%, and mean speaker-dependent scores for the phonemes varied between 86% and 100%, with two speakers scoring 100% correct. The individual voices were identified between 95% and 96% of the time, and classifications of the spectra for speaker gender were practically 100% correct.

The present study explores the phonetic and phonological grounds on which postalveolar fricatives in Polish can be analysed as retroflex, and considers whether postalveolar fricatives in other Slavic languages are retroflex as well. Velarization and incompatibility with front vowels are introduced as articulatory criteria for retroflexion, based on cross-linguistic data. According to these criteria, Polish and Russian have retroflex fricatives (i.e., /[small s with hook]/ and /[small z with retroflex hook]/), whereas Bulgarian has a laminal palatoalveolar fricative ((/[small Esh]/). In addition, it is illustrated that palatalization of retroflex fricatives in Slavic languages (and in general) causes a phonetic and phonological change to a non-retroflex fricative.

Traditionally, phonological theory has held that the CV syllable is the basic syllable type across the world's languages. Recently however, Breen & Pensalfini (1999) have challenged the primacy of the CV syllable in phonological theory with data from Arrernte, an Aboriginal language spoken in central Australia. In this study, we set out to see if there is any acoustic phonetic basis to Breen & Pensalfini's claim. We examine real-word data from one speaker of Arrernte, five speakers of English, and three speakers each of Yanyuwa and Yindjibarndi (these are two other Aboriginal languages). Using F2 and F3 measures of the consonant, and locus equation measures, we find that CV does show more stability than VC in the English speakers' data, but that for the Aboriginal language speakers' data, there is a parity between the CV and VC measures. We suggest that this greater parity may be a necessary constraint on languages which have multiple places of articulation (six in the case of the Aboriginal languages studied here). We propose an alternative view of suprasegmental organization, and we suggest that more work is needed in order to understand the phonetic bases of suprasegmental structure.

Several researchers have noted that intervocalic consonants are unusually long in Navajo (Sapir & Hoijer 1967, Young & Morgan 1987, McDonough & Ladefoged 1993). This paper explores intervocalic consonant duration in the Lheidli dialect of Dakelh (Carrier) in order to determine whether the long intervocalic consonants found in Navajo are characteristic of other Athabaskan languages as well. It is shown that Lheidli intervocalic consonants are substantially longer overall than (a) consonants in other positions within Lheidli, (b) vowels within Lheidli, and (c) singletons and geminates in other non-Athabaskan languages. Furthermore, intervocalic consonant duration is at least in part a function of morphological structure, with intervocalic consonants lengthening to signal a stem morpheme boundary. The data presented here provide new evidence for the existence of a language-specific phonetic component of grammar as well as for the interaction between phonetics and morphology.

The aim of this paper is to show that the approximant feature refers to a phonetic class which includes other subcategories of sounds, such as semi-vowels, rhotics, laterals and a subset of consonants. The consonants – due to the lack of articulatory precision – keep neither the obligatory closure for stops nor the aerodynamic characteristics required to produce a turbulent airstream, as is characteristic of fricatives. I am referring to these sounds as [[Voiced bilabial fricative] [Voiced dental fricative] [Voiced palatal fricative] [Voiced velar fricative]]. Moreover, I suggest a new definition of the approximant feature, which points out that the outflow of non-turbulent airstream is caused by either the opening of the organs or the lack of articulatory precision, or even both phenomena together.

Battaner-Moro (2003), a paper presented at the 15th International Congress of the Phonetic Sciences, advances several erroneous claims concerning J. R. Firth's contributions to prosodic phonology. In this note, I show that the central aspects of Firth's phonological thinking were already manifest in his publications from the 1930s.

Portuguese, a language of the Ibero-Romance subgroup of the Romance languages, has a variety which is spoken in Brazil, a country with circa 170 million inhabitants, of whom about 161 million speak Portuguese and 138 million live in cities. For this illustration of Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth BP), we have recorded a speaker whose choice was guided by two demographic criteria, namely, to represent the most populous dialectal region, that of São Paulo, and the most frequent age range (15–29 years, corresponding to 28% of the Brazilian population. Source: IBGE, Demographic census 2000). The speaker was a female undergraduate student at the University of Campinas at age 21 at the time of the recording. She was born in the city of São Paulo, where she lived up to age 10. From then on she has been living in Valinhos, a city on the outskirts of Campinas.

Ibibio is a Lower Cross (Delta Cross, Cross River, New Benue-Congo, Niger-Congo) language spoken mainly in Akwa Ibom State and in parts of Cross River State, both located in the southeastern part of Nigeria. The number of speakers is estimated at about four million (Essien 1991). Previous work on Ibibio phonetics includes Connell (1992, 1994, 1995) and Urua (1996/97, 2000, 2002). The variety presented here is spoken in Uruan area and Uyo, the capital city of Akwa Ibom State and the recording is that of the author, a female university teacher from Uruan.