This article investigates images of men and masculinities in post-New Order Indonesian popular culture, focusing on a recent and path-breaking Indonesian film, Kuldesak. The theoretical sociology of Pierre Bourdieu is utilised to suggest that if Indonesian women are to be assisted in their efforts to resist the gender inequality of Indonesia's patriarchal gender regime, then the social gendering of men and masculinity must also be understood.

Often typecast as sedentary and static in Western writings, Cambodians have long been on the move. This article explores the misrepresentation of such mobility in colonial narratives, and contrasts the stereotype of the static Khmer with the mobilization of recruits in the First World War, the activities of protesters in Cambodia and political devices like the Royal Tour.

The west Sumatran coast between Barus in the north and Inderapura in the south, which came under Achehnese rule, was originally part of the Minangkabau kingdom which developed in the fourteenth century and reigned supreme in central Sumatra up to about the end of the following century The Padang lowlands and the coastal region up to the northern border of Silebar were considered in the Alam Minangkabau as part of the rantau, or acquired territories, as different from the darat, or nucleus of the kingdom formed by the 3 luaks (or districts) of Agam, Tanah Data and Lima Puloh Kota. The important distinction between the darat and the rantau was that the former was administered on genealogical principles with a penghulu at the head of each negeri in the luak while the rantau was divided into several parts and was under the territorial rule of various rajas who were members of the royal family.2 Beneath the rajas appointed by the central administration at Pagarruyong were minor rajas and penghulus selected from amongst the local inhabitants who were in charge of the various districts. In return for the help and protection provided by the darat, especially in times of trouble, the negeris in the rantau were obliged to pay homage and tribute to Pagarruyong, a duty which they evaded during periods of weak central control, as at the end of the fifteenth century.

Around the turn of the 20th century, the colonial Dutch state grew increasingly concerned about what were perceived as threats to its authority. The article devotes particular attention to the so-called “Outer Islands”, and the forces that Batavia saw at work in this periphery that were considered dangerous enough to jeopardize imperial survival.

1988 was unlike any other year in Burma's short history as an independent nation. It began quietly, but erupted into a revolution for democracy and change which failed when the army violently restored its dictatorship; it ended quietly, but with the people living in fear under a military determined not to be challenged openly again. During this same period, while the world focused on Rangoon, the minorities continued to pursue a civil war which some have been fighting for the past forty years, hopeful that the changing situation in Burma's heartland would effect their struggles because both they, and the Burmans who rose in revolt, have the same enemy and seek the same ends — a peaceful and democratic Burma. Both looked to and sought help from the free nations of the world who spoke out vigorously when the rebellion began but whose voices either have been lowered or even stilled since the military made clear that it would decide the time and degree of change; only the U.S. continued to hold the high moral ground in support of the rebellion but its actions hardly matched its rhetoric.

Recently the Indonesian press has paid increased attention to reports or rumours of the use of sorcery by various people in order to gain or to hold onto official positions, or to influence others who hold such positions. This paper examines rumours concerning these practices in an Indonesian university, considering them both in the context of Javanese cosmological and magical beliefs, and within the social and economic realities of the university community. The conclusion is that whether or not magical attacks actually take place, preventative measures give people a feeling of safety and perhaps smooth the path to success.

To explore how democratisation is transforming Indonesia's rural elite, we examine two village head elections in Central Java. Despite the competitiveness of these elections, the campaigning modes employed by candidates, especially vote buying, points to elite continuity, because only wealthy villagers can compete for office. Moreover, links with higher state officials remain important for village elites, allowing them to win political support by obtaining projects from local government. However, rather than being incorporated as subordinates in a bureaucratic hierarchy as during authoritarian rule, village elites are now true rural brokers, exercising considerable leverage in their relations with the state.

The paper delineates stages in the interpretation of religion in Burma. Beginning with colonial constructions, the discussion moves to subsequent studies in anthropology and history from which emerged an emphasis on localised articulations of Theravada Buddhist traditions. Others examined religion as a site for colonial resistance and as a means for engaging issues of modernity. More recent interpreters focused on Buddhist voices in the public domain of contemporary Burma and some recent studies moved beyond received boundaries of inquiry to consider religions among ethnic minorities and diaspora communities. The final section charts future development in the study of religion in Burma.

Modern Vietnamese history is generally considered to begin with the seventeenth century. The final destruction of the Cham kingdom and the concurrent territorial expansion presided over by the Nguyễn lords of Hue increased the visibility of the Vietnamese people along the South China Sea and attracted the attention of refugees, merchants, and missionaries from China, Japan, and Europe. These foreign contacts were symptomatic of basic changes occurring in Vietnam; they were not the cause. From the decline of the Lê dynasty early in the sixteenth century, political life was dominated by militarized family alliances. By the second quarter of the seventeenth century, the two most successful families in the competition for power were locked in a grim testing of wills. Mutually aggressive policies remained inconclusive after half a century of warfare, however, and were eventually abandoned by both parties. This resulted from the rise of new interests tied to the internal social, political, and economic conditions of Vietnam. The rise of these new interests was the most significant development in the seventeenth century.

This article examines the changing dynamics of ritual engagements with the ‘exceptional dead’ in northern Vietnam. Since its inception, the socialist state has attempted to control which exceptional dead its citizenry can ritually engage in order to advance revolutionary goals. Although it was successful in this effort for several decades, since the early 1990s both the state and the population have begun ritually engaging a wider number of exceptional dead. This article examines the implications of this change with regard to political legitimation, access to sacred space and the changing role of the exceptional dead in people's lives.

The existence of diplomatic and military relations between Ottoman Turkey and some Muslim states of Southeast Asia has been known for centuries. The Portuguese chroniclers, notably Couto and Pinto, kept the idea alive in the West; oral traditions and a few chronicles kept it more vividly before the imagination of the Atjehnese; and in Turkey there has been a revived interest in the connection since at least 1873. An attempt therefore seems overdue to seek greater precision on these remarkable events, by considering at least the most notable of the sources from the three sides.

Singularly little scholarly work has been devoted to the religious life of the Chinese of Southeast Asia. This is particularly true of the Indonesian Chinese. The only major work on Chinese religion in Indonesia to appear in decades is Les Chinois de Jakarta: Temples et Vie Collective. The unique and astonishing transformation of Confucianism into an organized religion as practised today under the auspices of MATAKIN (Majelis Tinggi Agama Khonghucu Indonesia — the Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia) has so far only been discussed in two short essays.

This paper surveys the history of anthropological work on Burma, dealing both with Burman and other ethnic groups. It focuses upon the relations between anthropology and other disciplines, and upon the relationship of such work to the development of anthropological theory. It tries to show how anthropology has contributed to an overall understanding of Burma as a field of study and, conversely, how work on Burma has influenced the development of anthropology as a subject. It also tries to relate the way in which anthropology helps place Burma in the broader context of Southeast Asia.

The paper examines the metaphors and dynamics of Atsabe Kemak group identity construction, with a strong emphasis on local cultural ‘remembering’ of Atsabe history vis-à-vis relations of power. The analysis utilizes the analytical frameworks of Foucault's notion of discourse and Bourdieu's concept of habitus. The secondary burial of a former chieftain highlights the dynamics of Atsabe Kemak responses to new nation-building processes and to international influences that have appeared during the United Nations' transitional administration.

The Karen and Hmong in Thailand have been significantly impacted by global and national environmentalist discourses. The Karen, traditionally viewed as conservationists, have had to abandon much of their local knowledge. Conversely, the Hmong – long stigmatised for their allegedly destructive swidden practices – have made significant modifications in their use of resources.

While some scholarship has found the roots of the modern Vietnamese idea of ‘nation’ in the distant past, this paper attempts to illuminate ways of thought which were in conflict with Western nationalist ideas. These ways of thought had to be transformed in the early twentieth century in order for the idea of a Vietnamese nation to take hold.

Studies of the formation of national identity have highlighted the importance of national pilgrimages, akin to sacred religious pilgrimages. However, less attention has been paid to the effect of religious pilgrimages on national identities. In this article, I examine the ways that religious pilgrimages have shaped identities in the Jawi community, particularly early in the twentieth century, when nationalism spread through Southeast Asia. Given the deeply personal nature of pilgrimages, I do this primarily through an exploration of the religious pilgrimage and later life of one well-known leader from Pattani, Haji Sulong Abdulkadir al-Fatani. I find that this approach leads to a more nuanced consideration of the ways that plural identities, even conflicting plural identities, are often held by individuals.

This essay examines the common perception that the nineteenth century was the apogee of Neo-Confucianism in Vietnam by a comparative analysis of high examination passes from 1463 to 1883. Analysing the data generated reveals the nineteenth century as the historic nadir of the traditional examination system. The essay then relates this result to the politics of the time, and especially to the southern nature of the new regime.

This article challenges existing interpretations of Ngô Dình Diêm by examining his activities during the decade before he became leader of South Vietnam in 1954. Diêm actively pursued power in these years, and he achieved it mainly due to his own efforts and to those of his Vietnamese allies. At the same time, he and his brother Ngô Dình Nhu were outlining the distinctive vision of modernisation which would inform South Vietnam's post-1954 nation-building strategies.