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Forces of Regional and State Integration in the Western Archipelago, c. 1500–1700

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 August 2009

J. Kathirithamby-Wells
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Extract

Unity within the Malay-Indonesian region evolved as an economic force from within and was not artificially superimposed by any political authority. The region was inextricably linked as a ‘geo-economic’ unit which was of paramount importance to international trade. Although it was trade which laid the area open to external intrusions which ultimately forced the region into a single matrix, colonial authority was imposed largely upon a pre-existing inter-regional economic infrastructure.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 18 , Issue 1 , March 1987 , pp. 24 - 44
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Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1987

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References

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40 A Portuguese account of Aceh describes its coastal territories during the end of the sixteenth century as “tributary regions”. Tiele, , BKI XXIX (1881): 167Google Scholar.

41 Canne, , “Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der Lampongs”, pp. 509–512Google Scholar; Djajadiningrat, , Sadjarah-Bantĕn, pp. 118–19Google Scholar; J. Kathirithamby-Wells, “Banten: A West Indonesian Port and Polity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries” (in press).

42 Van Leur, , Indonesian Trade, pp. 117–18Google Scholar. The ruler's obligation to act in consultation with his ministers is stressed in the Sejarah Melayu. According to it, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah (1477–88) on his death-bed advised his son and successor, “See to it that you consult with your ministers and chiefs, for no ruler, however great his wisdom and understanding, shall prosper or succeed in doing justice unless he consults with those in authority under him.” Sejarah Melayu, ‘Malay Annals’, trans. Brown, C.C., intro. R. Roolvink (London, 1970), p. 117Google Scholar.

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56 Ibid., III, p. 226.

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58 Danvers, and Foster, (ed.), Letters, [John Millward] to General Keeling [at Banten?], 21 04 1616, V, p. 165Google Scholar.

59 Ibid., Henry Pattison to Wm. Nicholls, Chief at Aceh, Tiku, 4 January 1616 [1617], V, p. 31.

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61 These divisions were often exacerbated by the ready offer of alliances by the European powers. Pahang became a tributary of the Portuguese in 1518 in revolt against the Melaka ruling house. During the next century, in anticipation of Iskandar Muda's ambition to master them, the east Sumatran states of Siak, Indragiri, Palembang, Jambi and Kampar concluded a defensive alliance with Sultan Hammat Syah of Johor (1613–23). Tiele, , BKI XXXVI (1887): 245Google Scholar; Van Bazel, , “Begin en voortgang van onzen handel en bezittingen op Sumatra's Westkust”, Tijdschrift voor Neerlands-Indiĕ (TNI) II (1847): 6Google Scholar.

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82 Ibid., pp. 152–61, 166–67.

83 Kathirithamby-Wells, “The Johor-Malay World, 1511–1784” (in press).

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85 The increased supplies of pepper to Melaka during the Portuguese and Dutch periods came from Jambi which also supplied Johor. Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, pp. 145–47, 185Google Scholar; Andaya, , The Kingdom of Johor, p. 128Google Scholar.

86 Groeneveldt, , “The Malay Peninsula and Malacca”, p. 77Google Scholar.

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91 Ibid., p. 203.

92 See Coedés, G., Angkor, An Introduction (London, 1961), pp. 29–30Google Scholar; Heine-Geldern, R., Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia, Data Paper No. 18, Southeast Asia Program, Department of Asian Studies (Cornell, 1956), pp. 3, 6–7Google Scholar; Wolters, , The Fall of Srivijaya, pp. 99–102, 128–31Google Scholar.

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101 Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, I, pp. 46, 56–57, 60Google Scholar; II, pp. 225–26.

102 Ibid., I, p. 57.

103 Ibid., I, p. 29; II, pp. 140, 146; Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade, p. 283Google Scholar.

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111 See p. 28; The anti-Acehnese alliance organised by Johore (see fn. 61) was based, presumably, on traditional ties.

112 Van, Hoëvell, “De Lampongsche Distrikten op het Eiland Sumatra”, pp. 245–51Google Scholar.

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