Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2012
Like the survey of 1981, this is the product of a team: Reynolds is responsible for the introduction and sections II–VI, Beard for sections I, VII–IX and XI, Roueché for section X. Reynolds has, as previously, acted as editor; it is planned that from the next survey in 1991 Beard will take over this role.
1 In preparing this survey, we have again received valuable help from friends and colleagues: in particular, Robin Cormack, Michael Crawford, John Crook, Catherine Edwards, Mark Hassall, Keith Hopkins, Andrew Poulter, Simon Price, Susan Sherwin-White and Greg Woolf (who also undertook much of the burden of final correction with remarkable good humour). The British Academy generously provided financial support for Beard to attend the International Epigraphic Congress in 1982.
2 One volume of its papers, Acta of the Athens Epigraphic Congress 1982 (1984), has appeared.
3 Thus on epigraphy and the senatorial order (1981), Spanish epigraphy (1981), the epigraphists B. Borghesi (1981) and L. Bruzza (1984), the epigraphic museum (1983), epigraphy and municipal life (1985); one on epigraphy and the passage from the classical to the medieval world is announced for 1986 and another on new juristic inscriptions for 1987. News of the activities of AIEGL is regularly published in the journal Epigraphica.
4 Especially Solin, H., Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom: ein Namenbuch (3 vols, 1982)Google Scholar; Abdullah, Z. Ben, Sebai, L. Ladjimi, Index onomastique des inscriptions latines de Tunisie (1983)Google Scholar.
5 MacMullen, R., ‘The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire’, AJPh 103 (1982), 233–46Google Scholar; Harris, W. V., ‘Literacy and Epigraphy I’, ZPE 52 (1983), 87–111Google Scholar. Relevant points are also made by Yavetz, Z. in Millar, F. and Segal, E. (edd.), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects (1984)Google Scholar and by E. Fentress, BCTH 17B (1981, pub. 1984), 399 f. (though in rightly stressing epigraphy as a sign of romanità she probably over-estimates the number who actually read inscriptions).
6 Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67; Beard, M., ‘Writing and Ritual: a Study of Diversity and Expansion in the Arval Acta’, PBSR 53 (1985), 114–62Google Scholar.
7 Gordon, A. E, An Illustrated Introduction to Latin Epigraphy (1983)Google Scholar, essentially an annotated and illustrated collection of texts which will be very useful for classwork with epigraphists in training; Susini, G. C., Epigrafia Romana (1982)Google Scholar, an introduction to inscriptions arranged by category, with some discussion of the significance and value of each. Both are works by devotees of their subject.
8 Millar, F., in Crawford, M. (ed.), Sources for Ancient History (1983), 80–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 N. Horsfall, ZPE 61 (1985), 251–72. Note also Cugusi, P., Epigraphica 44 (1982), 65–107Google Scholar and Aspetti letterari dei Carmina Latina Epigraphica (1985).
10 Donati, A. (ed.), Il Museo Epigrafico (1983)Google Scholar.
11 Herrmann, P., Gnomon 54 (1982), 124–9Google Scholar.
12 M. Sartre, IGLS XIII. 1, 31–5.
13 R. Merkelbach, ZPE 49 (1982)., 287–90; Panciera, S., Tituli 2 (1980), 205–15Google Scholar, and in Epigraphie hispanique, problèmes de méthode et d'édition (1984), 372–9; E. Weber, AAHG 35 (1982), 72–3, Epigraphica 44 (1982), 149–68 (it should be noted that there are some misprints in the list published in Epigraphica). See also Krummrey, H., ‘Das diakritische System in CIL xvn. 2’, in Weber, E. and Dobesch, G. (edd.), Römische Geschichte, Altertumskunde und Epigraphik (Festschrift Betz, 1985), 365–79Google Scholar.
14 This background partly explains the controversy surrounding many aspects of these texts; for it is impossible to get access to the objects themselves (for comparison of letter forms, etc.). A rubbing of just one of the decrees has been published (ASNP 12 (1982), pl. 16); otherwise we rely entirely on transcriptions and verbal description.
15 The main publication, by G. Nenci et al., ASNP 12 (1982), 771–1103, provides full details of the complicated publication history of the documents; see also, for bibliography and concise analysis, SEG 32. 914. No date carries complete assent (nor is it absolutely certain that the documents form a homogeneous group), though most of those who have studied the texts suggest a third-century date for most, if not all, of them. See, for example, Nenci, ibid., 1069–77. The content of the documents is briefly as follows: I and II, record of Entella's friendship and alliance with (a) the Erbitaioi and (b) the Geloans; III, settlement of civil strife at Nakone; iv, honours to Ti. Claudius Antiatas; v, thanks to those who have assisted in famine; vi, vii and viii, renewal or formation of isopoliteia with three local communities.
16 loc. cit., 993–1032. Ti. Claudius is otherwise entirely unknown.
17 Reynolds, J., Aphrodisias and Rome (JRS Monographs 1), 6–11Google Scholar, doc. 1. For other indications of third or early second-century Roman involvement in the Greek world, see , J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie (1983), 244–6Google Scholar, no. 51 (dating of magistracies from date of the Roman liberation of Caria, 167/6 B.C.); Kontorini, V., JRS 73 (1983), 24–32Google Scholar (Roman relations with Rhodes at the end of the third century).
18 Reynolds, op. cit., esp. 38–106, docs 6–13.
19 ibid. 39–40 (cf. Millar, F., JRS 63 (1973), 50–67)Google Scholar.
20 D. Knibbe, ZPE 44 (1981), 1–10 and (providing a revised interpretation and reconstructing a Latin text as the basis of the very confused Greek) K. Bringmann, EA 2 (1983), 47–76.
21 Gerion 2 (1984), 265–87. For another instance of the juxtaposition of law and physical assets, see SEG 25 445. Note also the possibility that the inscribed text is essentially a native version of the agreement; the Latin is awkward and there is more stress on the person of the governor than might be expected in any official (even on-the-spot) document.
22 Richardson, J., JRS 73 (1983), 33–41Google Scholar; Richardson, J. et al. , JRS 74 (1984), 45–73Google Scholar.
23 See, for example, A. Lintott, ZPE 45 (1982), 127–38 (judiciary law from Tarentum); Athenaeum 61 (1983), 201–14 (Tabula Bembina); ZRG 98 (1981), 162–212 (leges de repetundis). A prospectus of the Roman Laws Group is published in Athenaeum 61 (1983), 199–200.
24 H. Solin, ZPE 43 (1981), 357–61.
25 Manganaro, G., Chiron 12 (1982), 237–44Google Scholar.
26 von Freeden, J., Oikia Kyrrestou. Studien zum sogenannten Turm der Winde in Athen (1983)Google Scholar.
27 Epigrafia e ordine senatorio (1982), 435–51.
28 AD 31 B2 (1976, pub. 1984), 301 and AR 1984–1985, 48.
29 Buchner, E., Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus (1982)Google Scholar. For a brief and accessible account in English, see Horsfall, N., Omnibus 9 (1985), 5–7Google Scholar.
30 Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5).
31 Fouilles de Xanthos VII (1981), 81–9.
32 Thus Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 45–50 (Agrippa, Gaius,Caesar); T. Ritti, RAL 38 (1983), 171–82, cf. Bull. Ép. 1984, 452 (Gaius Caesar); A. Vassileiou, ZPE 47 (1982), 119–30 (Gaius and Lucius Caesar); P. Frisch, EA 4 (1984), 15 (Gaius and Lucius Caesar). Priuli, S., Tituli 2 (1980), 47–80Google Scholar, in reconsidering the calendar of Spello, notes the inclusion of non-Julians within the family, which is also strikingly illustrated by the inclusion of the obscure eldest son of Claudius in a group (probably Tiberian in date) at Aphrodisias (see J. Reynolds, forthcoming in a Festschrift for D. M. Pippidi).
33 J. González, ZPE 55 (1984), 55–100 (and ZPE 60 (1985), 146).
34 For instance, I now wonder whether the erection of representations of the gentes defeated by Germanicus (frag. 1, 11. 9–11) was the stimulus for the representations of the ethne defeated by Augustus which were erected on the façade of a building connected with the imperial cult at Aphrodisias. See J. Reynolds, ZPE 43 (1981), 317–27, cf. AE 1982, 892; Bull. Ep. 1982, 356 (and below, section VII).
35 See, for example, frag 1, 1. 5, adsu[e]ta sibi [Pindulgentia.
36 A. R. R. Sheppard, AS 31 (1981), 22; M. Cremer and S. Şahin, EA 1 (1983), 141–52, no. 1.
37 Carroll, K. K., GRBS Monograph 9 (1982)Google Scholar, cf. SEG 32. 251, Bull. Ép. 1983, 174.
38 Feissel, D., Syria 62 (1985), 77–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar (with reference to a text partially analysed by L. Robert, CRAI 1951, 255–6, see also G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria (1961), 221 and id., ‘The Water Supply of Antioch on the Orontes in Antiquity’, AArchSyr 1 (1951), 171–87)Google Scholar; D. van Berchem, MH 40 (1983), 185–96.
39 G. Salmeri, ASNP 14 (1984), 13–23, with a study of her nomenclature and estates; E. Varinglioğlu, ZPE 41 (1981), 189–93 (Stratoniceia); Balland, op. cit. (n. 31). 52–3 (Xanthus).
40 Reynolds, op. cit. (n. 17), docs 14–25, cf. SEG 32. 1097, Bull. Ep. 1983, 361–92.
41 Fossey, J. M., Euphrosyne 11 (1981–1982), 44–59Google Scholar, cf. SEG 32. 460–71. It is interesting to have another wall covered with inscribed imperial documents so soon after the Aphrodisian case.
42 Thus B. E. Thomasson, ZPE 52 (1983), 125–35 (use of Augustorum, Augg., Aug.); Eck, W., in Romanitas/Christianitas (Straub, Festschrift J.) (1982), 217–29Google Scholar and Bennett, J., Britannia 15 (1984), 234–5 (Hadrian and p. p.)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fitz, J., Alba Regia 17 (1979), 49–58 (Severans)Google Scholar; Mastino, A., Le titolature di Caracalla e Geta attraverso le iscrizioni (1982)Google Scholar; X. Loriot, ZPE 43 (1981), 225–35 (imperatorial acclamations for Severus Alexander and Gordian III); Cavuoto, P., Ottava Miscellanea greca e romana (1982), 335–50Google Scholar (Macrinus and Diadumenian); though based on papyri, P. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 40 (1980), 130–8; 45 (1982), 177–96; 49 (1982), 97–111 and D. W. Rathbone, ZPE 62 (1986), 101–31 are very relevant.
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44 Boninu, A. and Stylow, A. U., Epigraphica 44 (1982), 29–56Google Scholar.
45 Šašel, J., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 248–52Google Scholar—but I think that the kind of scrutiny readers would give the text is no guarantee against a cutter's error—cf. the inscription from Antioch discussed above p. 129 and n. 38.
46 W. Eck, in Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67; Chiron 14 (1984), 201–17; Moretti, L., Athenaeum 69 (1981), 71–7Google Scholar.
47 Eck, art. cit. (n. 46).
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63 CIL xxi, 4371 + 4372. S. Demougin and M. Christol, ZPE 49 (1982), 141–53. Compare Pflaum, H. G., Fastes de la province de Narbonnaise (Gallia Supp. 30, 1978), 197 and 234Google Scholar.
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153 Rituals and Power: the Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (1984). Another important synoptic work, largely concerned with the impact of Roman rule on the sanctuaries of Asia Minor, is Debord, P., Aspects sociaux et économiques de la vie religieuse dans I'Anatolie greco-romaine (EPRO 88, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
154 Reynolds, op. cit. (n. 17), doc. 1, pp. 6–11.
155 Reynolds, op. cit., doc. 30, pp. 153–4.
156 J. Reynolds, ZPE 43 (1981), 317–27 —publishing the texts alone. The panel illustrating Britannia is discussed by Erim, K., Britannia 13 (1982), 277–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
157 H. Malay, EA 2 (1983), 1–20.
158 N. Ehrhardt, MDAI(I) 34 (1984), 371–404. Other recent documents relevant to cults of Rome or Romans in the East include: Morctti, L., Athenaeum 59 (1981), 71–7 (T. Statilius Taurus)Google Scholar; Kontorini, V., Inscriptions inédites relatives à I'histoire et aux cultes de Rhodes au He et au Ier s. av. J.-C. (Rhodiaka I, 1983), no. 3 (Romaia)Google Scholar; Sheppard, art. cit. (n. 36), 22 and Cremer and Şahin, art. cit. (n. 36), no. 1 (Tiberius); the cult of the Senate is discussed by Kienast, D., Chiron 15 (1985), 253–81Google Scholar.
159 J. González, ZPE 55 (1984), 54–100 (with ZPE 60 (1985), 146). The text is particularly fragmentary in the passage describing the third monument on the Rhine, but the general sense seems clear enough (cf. Suetonius, Life of Claudius 1, 3, on Drusus' monumentd).
160 Britannia 12 (1981), 370–8; 13 (1982), 396–406 and 408; 14 (1983), 336–7; 15 (1984), 333–41; 16 (1985), 322–4 (the last of the present series). R. S. O. Tomlin will publish as many as possible of the 80 tablets so far recovered in Volume 11 of the excavation report by B. W. Cunliffe.
161 Britannia 13 (1982), 404.
161 The term ‘gentile’ implies that non-Christians have something in common simply by virtue of not being Christian. This is inconceivable as a means of pagan self-definition until comparatively late in the growth of Christianity.
163 R. Marichal, CRAI 1981, 41–52.
164 P. Herrmann and E. Varinlioğlu, EA 3 (1984), 1–18. See also curses published by Jordan, D. R., Hesperia 54 (1985), 205–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
165 The prevalence of theft is, for example, striking in the Bath curses (see the remarks of Cunliffe, B. and Davenport, P., The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath I, 1 (1985), 181–2Google Scholar)—like the curses of Uley and Pagans Hill, but a clear contrast with the spells against the performance of athletes in the tablets from Athens (Jordan, art. cit. n. 98). For the elucidation of one particular formula of curse tablets, see Versnel, H. S., ‘May he not be able to sacrifice’, ZPE 58 (1985), 247–69Google Scholar.
166 CRAI 1981, 530–4 (on F. Ephesos II, no. 26).
167 Panciera, S., in Mysteria Mithrae (EPRO 80, 1979), 87–112Google Scholar and Archeologia Laziale 3 (1980), 202–13, no. 3.
168 First published by E. Bowie, ANRW 16. 2, 1687–8 and Dagron, G. and Marcillet-Jaubert, J., Türk Tarih Belleten 42 (1978), 402–5Google Scholar. Posthumous benefactions are suggested by Jones, C. P., JHS 100 (1980), 190–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For different restorations and views, see N. J. Richardson and P. Burian, GRBS 22 (1981), 283–5 and J. Ebert, ZPE 50 (1983), 285–6.
169 Foxhall, L. and Forbes, H. A., ‘Sitometreia’, Chiron 12 (1982), 41–90Google Scholar (though note that their estimates of food consumption in the ancient world are generally too high, being based on modern UN prescriptive figures for subsistence).
170 C. Gallis, communication at the Eighth Conference of Greek and Latin Epigraphy, Athens, 1982 and AD 31 (1976, pub. 1984) B1, 176–8, with pl. 127; with full discussion and commentary by Garnsey, P., Gallant, T., Rathbone, D., JRS 74 (1984), 30–44Google Scholar. Garnsey and Rathbone revise their original dating of the text (c.151–150 B.C.) in JRS 75 (1985), 20–5 (following Gallis's publication of the whole stone in AD).
171 JRS 75 (1985), 23–4.
172 Doc. 5, ASNP 12 (1982), 778 (with translation p. 784). Full discussion is offered by G. Panessa, pp. 905–15.
173 See, for example, TAM 11, 905 and 1203 with Veyne, P., Le Pain et le cirque (1976), 295–6Google Scholar.
174 Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 173–224.
175 It is too simple to jump to the conclusion that distribution of grain was merely a question of feeding the hungry. Indeed distribution is not infrequently made to relatively wealthy groups in the cities, such as the town councillors.
176 Fossey, J. M., Euphrosyne 11 (1981–1982), 44–59Google Scholar.
177 van Berchem, art. cit. (n. 38). The stone is apparently a milestone, measuring distance along the canal.
178 Feissel, art. cit. (n. 38), 77–103 (see previously L. Robert, CRAI 1951, 255–6). Other discussions of water operations include: Eck, W., ‘Die Fistulae Aquariae der Stadt Rom’, in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, 197–225Google Scholar (who discusses supply of water to private houses in the city of Rome); Pavis-d'Escurac, H., ‘Irrigation et vie paysanne dans l'Afrique du nord antique’, Ktema 5 (1980), 177–91Google Scholar and Shaw, B. D., ‘Lamasba: an ancient irrigation community’, Ant Afr 18 (1982), 61–103 (both re-examining ILS 5793)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Corbier, M., ‘La famille de Séjan à Volsinii: la dédicace des Seii curatores aquae’, MEFRA 95 (1983), 719–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘De Volsinii a Sestinum: cura aquae et evergetisme municipal de l'eau en Italie’, REL 62 (1984), 236–74Google Scholar (on the institutions connected with the water supply in the municipalities of Italy). Note also that the dispute underlying the Tabula Contrebiensis (above, n. 22) concerned the construction of a canal.
179 Shaw, B. D., Ant Afr 17 (1981), 37–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
180 Nollé, J., Nundinas instituere et habere: Epigraphische Zeugnisse zur Einrichtung und Gestaltung von landlichen Märkten in Afrika und in der Provinz Asia (1982), 12–58Google Scholar. Note that the practice here of a series of markets in a cycle on succeeding days is precisely that noted by Shaw in traditional African markets (art. cit., 43) and that attested in the epigraphic record at Pompeii (CIL iv, 4182 and 8863).
181 G. Barruol, J. Gascou, J. C. Bessac, RAN 15 (1982), 281–309 (with preliminary publication, Gallia 37 (1979), 543). Our text is one of a group of three; the two others honour women—Attia, a flaminica perpetua, ‘ob liberalitates patris’, and Indelvia, also flaminica perpetua, apparently on her own account. For the public honouring of women, see further van Bremen, R., in Cameron, Averil and Kuhrt, A., Images of Women in Antiquity (1983), 223–42Google Scholar; Herzig, H. E., ‘Frauen in Ostia’, Historia 32 (1983), 77–92Google Scholar; and the useful list of female gymnasiarchs compiled by Casarico (ZPE 48 (1982), 117–23).
182 In Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67.
183 Manzella, I. di Stefano, Tituli 2 (1980), 41–6Google Scholar. Note also the Augustan building activities at Lucus Feroniae of the Volusii Saturnini (Boatwright, M. T. et al. , I Volusii Saturnini (1982))Google Scholar. Of course, senatorial building in Italy was not a new phenomenon in the reign of Augustus. See, for example, Coarelli's recent demonstration of the connection between a Cornelius Cethegus (perhaps cos. 160) and the temple of Juno at Gabii (in Almagro-Gorbea, M., El Santuario de Juno en Gabii, Excavaciones 1956–1969 (1982), 125–30)Google Scholar.
184 In Cebeillac-Gervasoni (ed.), op. cit. (n. 62), 217–40.
185 See, for example, Leiwo, M., Athenaeum 63 (1985), 494–9Google Scholar (on Velia). Note also the important series of studies on Delos—Coarelli, F., Musti, D., Solin, H. (edd.), Delo e l'Italia (Opuscula Instituti Romani Finlandiae II, 1982)Google Scholar. Helly, B., ‘Les Italiens en Thessalie au He et au Ier siècle av. J.-C.’, in Les ‘bourgeoisies’ municipalesGoogle Scholar (cit. n. 62), considers Italian relations with another part of the Greek world.
186 Coarelli, F., in Kopcke, G. and Moore, M. B. (edd.), Studies in Classical Art and Archaeology (Festschrift von Blanckenhagen) (1979), 255–69Google Scholar.
187 K. Tuchelt, MDAI(I) 29 (1979), 309–16.
188 ZPE 61 (1985), 251–72. See also , Horsfall's epigraphic study of the Laudatio Turiae, BICS 30 (1983), 85–98Google Scholar. A very different ‘literary’ epitaph is published by Merkelbach, R., ‘Trostdekret über den Tod eines Studenten der Rhetorik aus Claudiopolis’, EA 3 (1984), 137–41Google Scholar.
189 Sailer and Shaw, art. cit. (n. 116), 124–56; Shaw, B. D., Historia 33 (1984), 457–97Google Scholar. Note also Sailer, R. P., ‘Familia, domus, and the Roman conception of the Family’, Phoenix 38 (1984), 336–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a related treatment based on literary sources. Note the critique of their arguments by Mann, J. C., JRS 75 (1985), 204–6Google Scholar. Underlying the work of Sailer and Shaw is the further problem that they do not explain their definition of ‘funerary text’—for post-mortem honorary inscriptions set up in public places may be liable to reflect more limited relationships than those actually on tombs.
190 The problems are clearly revealed in two studies by Churchin, L. A., ‘Familial epithets in the Epigraphy of Roman Spain’, Mél. Etienne Gareau = CEA 14 (1982), 179–82Google Scholar and ‘Familial Epithets in the Epigraphy of Roman Britain’, Britannia 14 (1983), 255–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar (attempting unsuccessfully to relate epithets of affection (amantissimus, pientissimus, etc.) to ‘real’ degrees of affection within the family). Other studies of the language of epithets include Friggeri, R. and Pelli, C., ‘Vivo e morto nelle iscrizioni di Roma’, Tituli 2 (1980), 95–172Google Scholar (on dating certain formulae) and SchmittPantel, P., ‘Evergétisme et mémoire du mort’, in Gnoli, G. and Vernant, J.-P., La mort, les marts dans les societés anciennes (1982), 177–88Google Scholar.
191 See, recently, Treggiari, S., ‘Contubernales in CIL 6’, Phoenix 35 (1981), 42–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Concubinae’, PBSR 49 (1981), 59–81; Purcell, N., ‘Apparitores: a study in social mobility’, PBSR 51 (1983), 125–77Google Scholar; Buonocore, M., Schiavi e liberti dei Volusi Saturnini: le iscrizioni del colombario sulla via Appia antica (1984)Google Scholar; Rawson, B. (ed.), The Family in Ancient Rome (1986)Google Scholar.
192 ZPE 52 (1983), 87–111.
193 Though one should note certain problems with the evidence from the tablets of Jucundus. Illiteracy is not stated as a reason for parties not writing themselves (as it was, for example, often in Egypt). Harris assumes that those represented on receipts by intermediaries were illiterate. Sometimes, no doubt, this was the case; but cultural factors must also have played a part. The fact that none of the five women concerned wrote herself might tell us more about women's social position than about their literacy.
194 Dietz, K., ‘Der Pollio in der römischen Legion’, Chiron 15 (1985), 235–52Google Scholar. Whether or not Dietz is correct in this case, the Roman army must surely have been important in areas we categorize as ‘education’.
195 For the notion of a ‘literate mentality’, see Goody, J., The Domestication of the Savage Mind (1977)Google Scholar.
196 AJPh 103 (1982), 223–46.
197 The ‘sense of audience’ involved some confidence in the future. So MacMullen argues (p. 246): ‘In the exercise of the habit, people (I can only suppose) counted on their world still continuing in existence for a long time to come, so as to make nearly permanent memorials worthwhile’.
198 PBSR 53 (1985), 114–62.
199 JRS 74 (1984), 181–99. A further example of ‘symbolic’ writing may be some of the electoral programmata of Pompeii. Franklin, op. cit. (n. 91), has argued from a careful study of the dipinti that there were (at least in the last years of Pompeii) never more than two candidates for the office of duumvirate. If he is correct (for some doubts see Ling, art. cit. (n. 91), 208–9), then, as Harris realised (art. cit. (n. 192), 104), the function of the election ‘posters’ is not the utilitarian one of encouraging people to vote. For a study of uses of writing in archaic Italy, Cordano, F., Opus 3 (1984), 281–317Google Scholar.
200 Nollé, op. cit. (n. 180), 12–58.
201 I. Kaygusuz, EA 4 (1984), 1–4.
202 Roueché, C. M., JRS 74 (1984), 181–99Google Scholar; the texts still present some difficulties, see R. W. Daniel, ZPE 61 (1985), 127–30.
203 Christol, M. and Drew-Bear, T., Travaux et recherches en Turquie, 1982 (Collection Turcica II, 1982), 23–42Google Scholar.
204 D. French and C. M. Roueché, ZPE 49 (1982), 159–60; for reservations about some of the conclusions, see now Christol, M., Essai sur l'évolution des carrières sénatoriales dans la 2e moitié du Ille siècle (1986), 220–1Google Scholar.
205 M. P. Speidel, ZPE 43 (1981), 363–4.
206 C. M. Lehmann, ZPE 51 (1983), 191–5.
207 di Vita-Évrard, G., L'Africa Romana (Atti del II Convegno di Studio Sassari, December 1984), 149–77Google Scholar.
208 Marcillet-Jaubert, J., Epigraphica 41 (1979), 66–72Google Scholar, with the important modification and comment of F. Jacques, ZPE 59 (1985), 146–50.
209 A. Chastagnol, MEFRA 93 (1981), 381–416; Ktema 6 (1981), 373–9.
210 J. Sünskes, EA 2 (1983), 99–105.
211 D. Feissel, TM 9 (1985), 421–34.
212 Most recently by Barnes, T. D., The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (1982), 134–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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214 A. Giardina and F. Grelle, MEFRA 95 (1983), 249–303.
215 J. Green and Y. Tsafrir, IEJ 32 (1982), 77–96.
216 For the date, see Alan Cameron, YCIS 27 (1982), 263.
217 G. Dagron, TM 9 (1985), 435–55; he discusses the Abydus text too. For other similar material from the reign of Anastasius, see the texts from Bostra in IGLS XIII. 1, nos. 9045–6, cited n.225.
218 A. Chastagnol in Panciera (ed.), op. cit. (n. 48), 167–93; Christol, art. cit. (n. 52), is, of course, also relevant.
219 Chastagnol, art. cit. (n. 209), 393–8. A. Giardina, RFIC 111 (1983), 170–82; Cameron, Alan, JRS 75 (1985), 164–82Google Scholar.
220 Alan Cameron, ZPE 44 (1981), 181–3.
221 Cameron, Alan and Schauer, D., JRS 72 (1982), 126–45Google Scholar.
222 E. Bernand, ZPE 45 (1982), 105–14.
223 Especially Feissel, D., Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du Ille au Vle siècles (1983)Google Scholar; note also D. Feissel and A. Philippidis-Braat's inventory and publication of the principal inscriptions of the Peloponnese, from the fourth to the fourteenth century, TM 9 (1985), 267–395.
224 Mitchell, S., RECAM II. The Ankara District. The Inscriptions of North Galatia (1982)Google Scholar.
225 M. Sartre, IGLS XIII, 1, Bostra (1982), to be used in conjunction with the same author's Trois études sur l'Arabie romaine et Byzantine (1982).
226 Bove, L., Documenti processuali dalle Tabulae Pompeianae di Murecine (1979)Google Scholar; Documenti di operazioni finanziarie dall'archivio dei Sulpici: Tabulae Pompeiane di Murecine (1984). Bove based his work on the inadequate texts of the first editors; note the review of Documenti processuali by Manthe, U. in Gnomon 53 (1981), 150–61Google Scholar, which incorporates many corrections of the texts.
227 Wolf, J. G., Freiburger Universitätsblätter 65 (1979), 23–36Google Scholar (with a correction suggested by Ankum, H., Iura 29 (1981), 156–77)Google Scholar; SDHI 45 (1979), 139–77; ZPE 45 (1982), 245–53; Studi Sanfilippo 6 (1985), 769–85; Camodeca, G., Puteoli 6 (1982), 3–53Google Scholar.
228 PBSR 48 (1980), 23–69.
229 J. C. Fant, ZPE 54 (1984), 171–82; J. Clayton-East, AJA 89 (1985), 655–62; Waelkens, M., Dokimeion. Der Werkstatt der kleinasiatischen Sarkophage (1982)Google Scholar; Die kleinasiatische Türsteine (1984). Note also M. Waelkens, AJA 89 (1985), 641–53, on the provenance of the statues in Trajan's Forum at Rome; P. Pensabene, DArch 1.1 (1983), 55–63 (on price of marble); J. Bingen, CE 56 (1981), 142–4 (quarries in Egypt). On mine organization, see Domergue, C., La mine antique d'Aljustrel (Portugal) et les tables de bronze de Vipasca (1983)Google Scholar.
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231 J. Nollé, ZPE 41 (1981), 197–206 and G. W. Bowersock, GRBS 23 (1982), 275–9 (both on Ofellius Laetus, a Platonic philosopher honoured at Ephesus); S. Şahin and M. H. Sayar, ZPE 47 (1982), 43–4 (a philosopher from Nicomedeia); J. H. Oliver, AJPh 102 (1981), 217–21 (an epitaph of a philosopher, reinterpreted). Note also E. L. Bowie, YCIS 27 (1982), 29–59 (on sophists in the political life of the Roman empire).
232 In general, note Ville, G., La gladiature en Occident (1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On individual texts: L. Robert, JS (1982), 154–62 and M. H. Sayar, EA 2 (1983), 144–6 (both on a monument from Bizye, Thrace); H. Malay, ZPE 49 (1982), 195–6 (epitaph of a gladiator's daughter).
233 In general, Roesch, P., in Médecins et médecine dans I'Antiquité (Centre Jean Palerne, Mém. 3, 1982), 119–29Google Scholar (including remarks on the evidential value of inscriptions for medical practice); H. W. Pleket, TG 96 (1983), 325–47 (on social status of doctors); Boon, G. C., Britannia 14 (1983), 1–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on oculists). For an inscribed surgical instrument from the grave of a doctor, F. J. Hassel and E. Künzl, MHJ 15 (1980), 405–21 and E. Künzl, EA 2 (1983), 82.
234 I Kaygusuz, ZPE 49 (1982), 180–3 (Bull.Ép. 1983, 426).
235 A. Ferrua, RAL 34 (1979), 29 ff.
236 T. Drew-Bear, REA 82 (1980), 167–72 (on Syll3 801).
237 R. Wiegels, MDAI(M) 23 (1982), 152–221 (on ILER, 1287).
238 Priuli, S., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 49–63Google Scholar (a rough version in cursive capitals); I. di Manzella, Stefano, Epigraphica 43 (1981), 39–44Google Scholar (abandoned attempts).
239 H. Malay and Y. Gül, ZPE 50 (1983), 283–4.
240 I. Kaygusuz, EA 4 (1984), 61–2.
241 P. Veyne, BCH 109 (1985), 621–4.