Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T18:59:51.380Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Pardos, Indians, and the Army of New Spain: Inter-Relationships and Conflicts, 1780–1810

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Christon I. Archer
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Historians have long grappled with the problem of defining the precise nature of eighteenth-century Mexican society. Not only was the confused tangle of racial types which resulted from the three centuries of miscegenation vitally important in establishing social status, but special corporations further divided the population into privileged groups and jurisdictions. Society was split into three general categories: ethnic whites, criollo (American-born) and gachupín (European-born); Indians; and finally the castas (castes) who belonged to the many racial permutations.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 6 , Issue 2 , November 1974 , pp. 231 - 255
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1974

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For studies on race mixture in Mexico, see Magnus, Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston, 1967),Google ScholarGonzalo, Aguirre Beltrán, La Población Negra de México, 1519–1810 (México, 1946),Google Scholar and Alexander, von Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, 1 (London, 1811).Google ScholarLyle, N. McAlister's essay, ‘Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 43 (08, 1963), 349–370, is a particularly thought-provoking general treatment of the subject. For an importantGoogle Scholar regional study, see Brading, D. A. and Celia, Wu, ‘Population Growth and Crisis: León, 1720–1860 ‘, Journal of Latin American Studies, 5 (05, 1973), 1–36.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

2 McAlister, p. 355.

3 Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Audiencia de Méjico (hereafter cired as AGI, Mexico), leg. 2422, and Archivo General de la Nación, México, Indeferente de Guerra (hereafter cited as AGN, IG), vol. 224–A, Instrucción de I agosto de 1764 para Gobierno y Commandancia General de las Armas e Instrucción de las Tropas del Reino, 1764.

4 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1438, Marqués de Branciforte to Conde de Campo del Alange, no. 66, 30 Sep, 1794.

5 AGN, IG, vol. 224–A, Instrucción de I Agosto de 1764, and McAlister, Lyle N., The ‘Fuero Militar ’ in New Spain, 1764–1800 (Gainesville, 1957), p. 44.Google Scholar

6 AGN, IG, vol. 224–A, Noticias venidas de Londres con fecha de 8 de Agosto de 1766.

7 AGN, IG, vol. 224–A, Julián de Arriaga to the Marqués de Croix, Aranjuez, 24 Jan. 1767.

8 AGN, IG, vol. 224–A, Arriaga to the Viceroy of New Spain, El Pardo, 15 Jan 1771.

9 AGN, IG, vol. 202–B, Antonio Jonquín de Llano y Villaurrutía to Viceroy Antonio María Bucareli, 1 Feb., 1775.

10 Lobos and Coyotes were two of the castes frequently mentioned by late eighteenth century observers. The lobos carried some Negro blood and the coyotes had both Negro and Indian blood as well as white. See Gonzalo, Aguirre Beltrán, op. cit. pp. 175–6, for charts showing the common names of various castes.Google Scholar

11 AGN, IG, 202–B, Liano Villaurrutía to Bucareli, 1 02, 1775.

12 Aguirre, Beltrán, pp. 175–6.Google Scholar

13 AGI, Mexico, leg. 2418, Proyecro formado en el año de 1784 sobre el mejor arreglo y establecimiento del ejército de Nueva España por el Señor Francisco Antonio Crespo.

14 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1437, Revillagigedo to Campo de Alange, no. 875, 29 05, 1793.

13 Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra Moderna (hereafter cited as AGS, Guerra Moderna), leg. 6959, Revillagigedo to Antonio Valdés, no. 296, 6 Feb, 1790.

16 AGS, , Guerra Moderna, leg. 6966, Revillagigedo to Campo de Alange, no. 177, 7 02, 1791.Google Scholar

17 AGN, Correspondencia de los Virreyes (hereafter cited as CV), series 2, vol. 30, Reviliagigedo to Valdés, no. 50, 12 July 1790, and AGI, Mexico, leg. 1538, Revillagigedo to Vaidés, no. 528, 30 April 1790. According to Revillagigedo, European officers who spent years in Mexico became ‘true American patriots’. He considered ten years to be the absolute maximum period of colonial service before officers returned to Spain.

18 José, Bravo Ugarte, ed. Conde de Revillagigedo: lnstrucción Reservada al Marqués de Branciforte, 1794 (Mexico, 1966), articles 145 and 589.Google Scholar

19 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Pedro de Gorostiza to Revillagigedo, 2 Jan. 1792.

20 ibid., and AGN, CV, series I, vol. 167, Revillagigedo, to Campo, de Alange, no. 602, 30 07, 1793, and AGS, Guerra Moderna, leg. 6970,Google ScholarRevillagigedo, to Gorostiza, , 21 01, 1792.Google Scholar While Gorostiza's reports were condemnation enough of the pardos in Mexican society, he did not employ the extremely racist arguments of contemporary Cuba. In 1792, the colonels of the disciplined militias complained to the captain general that their uniforms were the same as those of the Negro and mulatto militiamen and petitioned for a change. Captain General Luis de las Casas supported their request by pointing out that a white servant in Cuba would not admit the highest ranking pardo officer to his table. In such a situation, whites considered it a terrible insult to wear the same uniform as mulattoes and Negroes who may shortly before have been their slaves. See AGI, Section IIA, Cuba, leg. 1487, Luis, de las Casas to Campo, de Alange, no. 519, 14 01 1972.Google Scholar For a study on the pardo militias in the viceroyalty of New Granada see Allan, J. Kuethe, ‘The Status of the Free Pardo in the Disciplined Militias of New Granada’, Journal of Negro History, 56 (04, 1971), 105–117.Google Scholar

21 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Los Pardos de Puebla sobre que se les haga saber la Real Orden que mandó su reforme, y que se les permite ocurrir à S.M. para el resrablecimiento del cuerpo, 1792. See the petition by Josef, Arellano, José, Moreno, José, Zambrano, José, Ricardo, and Ramón, Riveras, captains of the Free Pardo Battalion of Puebla to Sub-Inspector General Gorostiza, 23 04 1792.Google Scholar

22 Ibid.; the petition mentions a number of other services filled by the pardos in their years of militia duty.

23 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Pardo officers to Branciforte, 3 July 1794, and Narcisco, Zigarra, Yldefonso, Silva, and Juan, Pastor to Branciforte, , n.d. 1794.Google Scholar

24 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Josef Zambrano and Joaquín Medina to the king, 26 09 1793.

25 AGS, Guerra Moderna, leg. 6970, Branciforte, to Campo, de Alange, no. 66, 30 09 1794.Google Scholar

26 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Manuel, de Flón to Branciforte, , 16 07, 1794.Google Scholar

27 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Gorostiza, to Branciforte, , Jalapa, 6 09, 1794, and AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Note of Gorostiza, 11 05, 1794.Google Scholar

28 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Plan de reforma de los dos Batallones de Pardos de México y Puebla, que proprone el Sub-Inspector General Gorostiza, D. Pedro, 2 01 1792. Officers and sergeants who had served since the formation of the battalions and who held salaried posts were to receive half-pay, continued enjoyment of the fuero militar, and exemption from the payment of tribute. All others in the units were to be denied privileges and would begin to pay tribute as soon as the unit disbanded.Google Scholar

29 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Revillagigedo, to Flón, , 12 05 1792,Google ScholarFlón, to Revillagigedo, , 16 05 1792,Google Scholar and Revillagigedo, to the Archbishop of Puebla, , 19 05 1792. It was discovered that one of the petitions from the pardo officers had been prepared by a cleric from Havana named Dr Manuel Josef Rodríguez de Hurtado. He was arrested and sentenced to monastic seclusion for his offence.Google Scholar

30 AGS, Guerra Moderna, leg. 6970, Gorostiza, to Revillagigedo, , 2 02 1792.Google Scholar

31 AGN, IG, vol. 197–B, Relación de los individuos que sirven sin nota de deserción de 15 anos inclusive arriba, y se comprenden para las gracias de gozar fuero militar y distinción de no paga tributo. Batallón de Inflantería Provincial de Pardos Libres de Puebla y Batallón de Infantería Provincial de Pardos Libres de Mexico, 15 Mar. 1792.

32 AGS, Guerra Moderna, leg. 6970, Royal Orders of 22 04 1794, and 12 02 1795, approved the extinction of the pardo battalions.Google Scholar

33 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1453, Marquina, to Cornel, , no. 63, 27 07 1800.Google Scholar

34 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1437, Revillagigedo, to Campo, de Alange, no. 875, 29 05 1793.Google Scholar

35 Gaseta de México, V, 24 05 1793, no. 36, and AGS, Guerra Moderna, leg. 6959,Google ScholarRevillagigedo, to Campo, de Alange, no. 922, 25 05 1793, Estado del Batallón de Infantería Fixo de Veracruz.Google Scholar

36 AGN, Historia, vol. 367, García, Dávila to José, de Iturrigaray, 9 03 1803.Google Scholar

37 AGN, cv, series 1, vol. 215, Iturrigaray, to Caballero, , no. 251, 23 08 1803.Google Scholar

38 Ibid., Iturrigaray, to Caballero, , 26 11 1803.Google Scholar

39 Ibid.

40 AGN, Historia, vol. 521, Ayuntamiento of Veracruz, to Iturrigaray, , 23 08 1806, and 6 09 1806.Google Scholar

41 Charles, William Vane, Marquess of Londonderry, ed. Correspondence, Despatches, and other Papers of Viscount Castlereagh, Second Marquess of Londonderry: Second Series: Military and Miscellaneous, VII (London, 1851), 429. The report by Gordon to Lord Castlereagh was dated 26 January 1808 and titled, ‘State of Mexico’.Google Scholar

42 AGN, IG, vol. 166–A, Miguel, Costansó to Viceroy-Archbishop, Lizana, 29 12 1809.Google Scholar

43 AGN, cv, series I, vol. 210, Marquina, to Caballero, , no. 635, 27 05 1802, and AGI,Google Scholar Mexico, leg. 1464, Marquina, to Caballero, , no. 697, 27 08 1802. The crown agreed to the proposal to increase the size of the Battalion of Veracruz, but demanded the disbandment of the Regiment of Puebla so that there would be no cost to the royal treasury. Since the latter regiment was in service in Havana, nothing could be done to implement the plan.Google Scholar

44 AGN, IG, vol. 166–A, Costansó, to Lizana, , 29 12 1809.Google Scholar

45 AGN, Historia, vol. 358, Ayuntamiento of Veracruz, to Marquina, , 12 07 1800. Estado de los precios que ordinariamente tienen los viveres de este Ciudad de Veracruz y lo que acrualmente valen, 1800.Google Scholar

46 AGN, IG, vol. 166–4, Sobre que el Batallón Fixo de Veracruz se forme en Regimiento, 1809–1810.

47 AGN, IG, vol. 47–B, Extracro General de los hombres, mugeres, niños, niñas, y total de personas quc riene cads esquadra del Cuerpo de Lanceros de Veracruz, 1799.

48 AGN, IG, vol. 21–A, Reglamento Provisional pars el Regimen, Gobierno, y nueva planta de las Compañías de Milicias mixtas del seno que comprehendc la Provincia de Tampico y Panuco hasta el Río Guazacisalco, Costas laterales de Veracruz, 1793.

49 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Represntación de Don Ignacio Patiño sobre que sus hijos alistados en las milicias de Papantla no hagan servicio con los mulatos, 1792.

50 AGN, IG, vol. 289–B, Informe dado al Exmo. Señor Virrey de NE, Marqués de Branciforte sobre las Divisiones 4a y 5a. de Milicias de la Costa del Sur por el Teniente CoroŃel del Real Cuerpo de Artillería, Don Pedro de Laguna, 1 07 1796.

51 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1514, Florez, to Valdés, , no, 27, 23 11 1787.Google Scholar

52 AGI, Mexico, leg, 1523 Florez, to Valdés, , no. 731, 27 12 1788, and AGI, Mexico, leg. 1528, Florez to Valdés, 26 02 1789 Lieutenant José María Morcillo of the Regiment of Zamora received a severe wound which almost killed him.Google Scholar

53 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1523, Florez, to Valdés, , no. 731, 27 12 1788.Google Scholar

54 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1514, Florez, to Valdés, , no. 27, 23 11 1787.Google Scholar

55 See Cooper, Donald B., Epidemic Disease in Mexico City, 1761–1813 (Austin, 1965), pp. 96–99.Google Scholar

56 AGI, Estado, leg. 25, Branciforte to the Prince of Peace, no. 54, 27 10 1796.Google Scholar

57 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Revillagigedo, to Intendants, , 3 01 1792.Google Scholar

58 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Henrique de Grimarest to Revillagigedo, Real de los Alamo,, 5 April 1792.

59 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola to Revillagigedo, Guadalajara, 17 Jan. 1792, and Onesimo, Durán to Revillagigedo, , Valladolid, 12 03 1792.Google Scholar

60 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Manuel, de Terán, Río, Verde, to the Intendant of San, Luis Potosí, Bruno, Díaz de Salcedo, 20 01 1792, and Miguel de la Corral to Revillagigedo, Vcracruz, 26 05 1792.Google Scholar

61 AGN, IG, vol. 100–A, Revillgigedo, to Intendants, , 5 11 1792.Google Scholar

62 AGI, Estado, leg. 22, Branciforte to the Duke of Alcudía, no. 59, 3 Dec. 1794. See Hamill, Hugh M., The Hidalgo Revolt: Prelude to Mexican Independence (Gainesville, 1966), for information on the 1799 Machete Conspiracy and the 1809 Valladolid Conspiracy.Google Scholar

63 AGI, Estado, leg. 39, Juan Ignacio de Bejarano y Frías to the Duke of Alcudía, Granada, 10 Jan. 1795, and José María Bejarano y Frías to his father, Veracruz, 5 October 1794. The younger Bejarano listed the Spanish and French residents of Mexico who allegedly belonged to the Revolutionary Assembly of Mexico.

64 AGI, Estado, leg. 28, Marquina to Urquijo, no. 85, 11June 1800. Also see Ignacio, Rubio Mañé, ‘Don Félix Berenguer de Marquina, Virrey electo de Nueva España, prisonero de los Ingleses en Jamaica’, Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación, xxx (Junio, 1959), 165–220, and AGN, cv, series 2, vol. 41, for many of the documents pertaining to this affair.Google Scholar

65 AGI, Estado, Leg. 28, Marquina to Urquijo, no. 87, 25 June 1800, no. 91, 27 July 1800, and no. 97, 27 August 1800. Also see AGI, Estado, leg. 29, Marquina to Pedro de Cevallos, no. 28, 27 July 1802, and AGI, Mexico, leg. 1464, Marquina, to José, Antonio Caballero, 27 03 1802. Although Vázquez Fernández was jailed, Marquina still considered him dangerous because his mind was filled with plans to destroy the government. To prevent any possibility of a public his during his trial, he was sent to Spain.Google Scholar

66 AGI, Esrado, leg. 30, Consulta, Consejo de Indias, 1805.

67 AGN, Historia, vol. 428, Conjuración: Acerca del cierto señor de que el Comandante del Departamiento de San Bias dió. parte al Exmo. Virrey de Nueva España, 1801, and AGN, cv, series I, vol. 207, Marquina, to Caballero, , no. 113, 26 06 1801.Google Scholar

68 AGI, Estado, leg. 29, Da cuenta de una comoción de los Indios del Pueblo de Tepic y de otros inmediatos, 28 February 1801, and Marquina, to Urquijo, , no. so, 26 02 1801.Google Scholar Also see Lucas, Alamán, Historia de Méjico, I (Mexico, 1849), 153. Alamán supposed that the rumours concerning a strange gentleman must have referred to the Conde de Miravalles, a large landowner in the area of Tepic. I found no evidence of any important individual being investigated in connection with the uprising.Google Scholar

69 AGN, Historia, vol. 428, Conjuración: Acerca del cierto señor de que el Comandante del Departamiento de San Blas dió parte at Exmo. Virrey de Nueva España, 1801.

70 Mexican historians have long criticized Abascal for his role in putting down the Mariano Revolt. See Vicente, Casarrubias, Rebeliones indigenas en la Nueva España (Mexico, 1963), p. 157. One historian, possibly Carlos María Bustamante, made a notation on one of the viceregal letters filed n the Archivo General de la Nación. It charged that Abascal used the ‘insignificant’ events to propel, his career into the viceregency of La Plata and later of Peru, ‘where his decisions sparked the revolution in spite of his title Marqués de la Concordia. lQue burial ’ See AGN, cv, series I, vol. 207, Marquina to the Ministerio de Gracia y Justicia, no. 96, 26 February 1801.Google Scholar

71 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1456, José, Abascal to Marquina, , 5 01, 1801, and Marquina to Abascal, 9 01 1801.Google Scholar

72 Ibid., and AGI, Esrado, leg. 30, Consulta, Consejo de Indias, 1805.

73 AGI, Estado, leg. 29, Marquina, to Urquijo, , no. 10, 26 02 1801. Series of minor raids on pearl fishermen and a skirmish at the port of Santiago in Nueva Galicia had recently taken place to demonstrate the British presence.Google Scholar

74 AGN, Historia, vol. 428, Conjuración: Acerca del cierto Señor de que el Comandante del Departamento de San Blas dió parte al Exmo. Virrey de Nueva España, 1801.

75 AGN, IG, vol. 396–A, Recelos de inquietud en los Indios de Texistepeque de is Subdelegación de Acayúcan en la Provincia de Veracruz. García Dávila to Marquina, no. 1449, 25 February 1801, Marquina to Antonio de Toro, 7 March 1801, and Marquina, to García, Dávila, 7 03 1801.Google Scholar

76 AGI, Mexico, leg. 1456, Marquina, to Caballero, , no. 113, 26 06 1801.Google Scholar

77 AGN, IG, vol. 396–A, Testimony of Simón Pascual and Miguel Aparicio. The two Indians appeared before the Intendant on 4 April 1801. Aparicio's testimony was similar to that of Pascual. He had gone to obtain money to pay his tribute and dominicas. Both were found free of any guilt and immediately released.

78 AGN, cv, series i, vol. 207, Marquina, to Caballero, , no. 113, 26 06 1801.Google Scholar

79 AGI, Estado, leg. 30, José, de Iturrigaray to Cevallos, , no. 175, 27 07 1803.Google Scholar

80 AGI, Estado, leg. 30, Consulta, Consejo de Indias, 1805. Hilano was given traitor's treatment. His goods and property were confiscated, his house destroyed, and the site spread with salt.

81 Ibid.; the Minister of War agreed with the findings of the Council of Indies, but declined to reprimand either Francisco Eliza or Salvador Fidalgo for their role in the events. This was not the first time Fidalgo had been condemned for his violence against Indians. In 1792, while serving on the Northwest Coast, he ordered his vessel to open fire on two peaceful Indian canoes killing all but two of the occupants. See Archer, C. I., ‘The Transient Presence: A Re-Appraisal of Spanish Attitudes toward the Northwest Coast in the Eighteenth Century’ BC Studies, No. 18 (Summer, 1973), pp. 25–26.Google Scholar

82 AGN, IC, vol. 134–B, Diligencias practicadas en averiguación de algunos hechos que han verificado con los Indios de este Cantón de Orizaba algunos soldados acantonados en dicha villa, 1797.

83 AGN, IG, vol. 410–, Excesos cometidos en los pueblos de Indios por soldados… José Antonio Méndez, Subdelegado of Apan, to the Viceroy, 25 May, 1810, and Petition of the Indians of Puebla de Almoloya, May, 1810. The Sub-Inspector General, Carlos de Urrutía, II July 1810, ordered officers to accompany their troops on marches to prevent further abuses.

84 AGN, IC, vol. 102–B, Joaquín Romero de Caamaño to Ignacio Beye de Cisneros, Subdelegado of Xochimilco, 12 May 1797; and AGN, IG, vol. 60–A, Antonio del Corral Velasco, Subdelegado of Taxco to the Intendant of Mexico, 28 Nov. 1807.

85 AGN, IG, vol. 28–A, Mariano Jgnacio de la Luz to Iturrigaray, 1807.

86 Ibid., Gregorio Joaquín de Castro to Iturrigaray, Cuernavaca, 21 May 1807.

87 AGN, IG, vol. 60–A, Iturrigaray to the Commander of the Regiment of Celaya, 30 Jan. 1807. The Subdelegado of Tacuba, Pedro Antonelli, reported that only 46 men had appeared for service with the local company. The rest had fled either to Mexico City or into the rñountiiins. At Huehuetaca, all eligible andidates disappeared before they could be enlisted. See Ibid., Antonio, Enríquez de Estero to the Intendant of Mexico, 5 10 1807. A large number of similar cases could be cited.Google Scholar

88 AGN, IG, vol. 402–A, Cura Estanislao Segura and Administrador de Correos, Valdovinos, Blanco to Iturrigaray, , Cuernavaca, , 10 03 1807,Google Scholar and Iturrigaray, to Segura, and Blanco, , 25 04 1807.Google Scholar

89 AGN, IG, vol. 402–A, Ignacio, Muñoz, Subdelegado of Mextitlan to Iturrigaray, 14 10 1807.Google Scholar

90 AGN, IG, vol. 60ñA, Antonio del Corral Velasco to the Intendant of Mexico, 28 Nov. 1807, and Pedro Telmo de Sandero to Iturrigaray, Veracruz, 20 July 1807. The viceregal order calling for the extension of enlistment was issued on 8 July 1807.

91 Manuel, Abad y Queipo, Colección de los escritos más importanres que en diferentes épocas dirigió al gobierno don Manuel Abad y Qucipo (Mexico, 1813), Letter to the Real Acuerdo de México, 16 March 1809.Google Scholar

92 AGN, IG, vol. 410–A, El Licenciado Don Juan Nazario Peimbert propone un arbitrio para la formación de un Exército de 200,000 hombres á poco costo, 13 04 1810.

93 AGN, IG, vol. 410–A, Lizana to Peimbert, 13 April t8io. The viceroy thanked Peimbert for his zeal and patriotism. One wonders how the zealous lawyer reacted to the outbreak of the Hidalgo Revolt in September of the same year.